Defence of the interests of the working class as a whole, and of every oppressed section of society, is about the future of humanity itself.
macca I is orgy inrougn the role or the working class in society that the interests of humanity as a whole can be historically defended. That is socialists place themselves completely on the ground of the working class and the defence of the labour movement.
A socialist must reject with indignance outrage not economic exploitation but imperialism; sexism and the oppression of women, suppression persecution on the basis of sexual orientation; the degrading of human beings inrougn pornogianny, and a million of the other things that make up our rather revolting current society But, as people with heads as well as hearts. socialists nave lo understand that only the working class has the power to secure the conditions for victory in these fields the working class takes up the struggle in every one of these spheres it will not victory. women's liberation movement -women's liberation no sociallst without women's liberation' - applies to every sphere of oppression of socieThe point which needs to be added is that, of course, even socialist revolution by itself will not solve many problems - merely create the conditions to do so. The fight to create a free human societv will last tor decades. and probably centuries, after any intitial ending of capitalism.
Preservation of a free independent trade union movement, of an independent movement, organisations, of organisations of gays and lesbians, of democratic organisations, movements for liberation, are not 'quirks' allowed to exist until the overthrow of capitalism. They are a fundamental fight for the liberation of humanity Such organisation will measurably strengthened, not weakened, after any transformation of society towards socialism.
From this angle socialism has a profound moral base - and we know this tony bell and many of nis supporters As atheists Marxists cannot agree with any idea of a god-given, moral order in society. But they totally agree with the idea tremendous moral role of the working class as the defender of gressive gain and historic interest humanity. The working class is the bearer of a superior moral order JULICLY as well as a defende material interests. On whether working class wins or loses that struggle depends quite literally the humanity itself.
Socialist Action 10 May 1985 simply humanity, labour movement.
tion of humanity fighting - and that unless racism, securing women, eliminating 'No COC revolution working class Led Lenin socialism to building of socialism is, back the FSLN rightly works with national Stacks being part of the become struggle for Lenin, the "leading role' role' of the Stalin de facto invented.
It is the same in Britain. clusive brethren' god-based, Workers well the of where any current, every proof it stands in the of of its the different 1 tate of example role of the working class within society, and the social alliances it can create around itself, create the possibility for the working class to exercise hegemony - hegemony in society, in the future of in the struggle for socialism. And from that flows the relation of every other layer of society to the working class and to the organised Whether your goal is the preservatrom nucicar wal, imperialism, chininaune the liberation of and poverty, defending and extending saving world's science and culture, your interests coinwith the historical goals of the • and can only be realisthrough or in alliance with, the organised labour movement. hat is a fundamental message of socialism.
From this it follows that many forces will contribute to the building of and to the fight for it. The idea that only socialists will contribute as Lenin once wrote, a belief of arrogant idiots.
For example, in Nicaragua today, every single force that wants to defend the country and oppose the horrendous at- sincere launched on its by the Some people will cooperate only for the defence of that posed country. Others will participate in the society But for the FSLN, as for of the party has nothing to do with the 'exclusive - a position which The 'exapproach of groups they such as the Milltant tendency, or the Revolutionary has nothing to do with Marx. The final test For individual, stands in regard to socialism is not its ideas, important as these are, but where In Inis actual material class It is because people come to participate in the class struggle for many their in campaigning and in uniry is possible the time of the Malvinas war christian groups opposed the British fleet being sent to the South Atlantic because of deep-seated religious beliefs. pacitists, who oppose any war at any time under any circumstances, also op the war. Marxists, who are atheists and do not oppose all wars, participated in opposition to the war because it was an imperialist war.
The cooperation between groups was real, sincere and honest. It was in no way about, as Patrick Seyd puts it in his New Socialist article: 'demands on reformist socialists which cannot meet and are designed simply to discredit reformists. campaign and struggie was to try anc prevent the British fleet going to th South Atlantic. And it should be that some of the christian and pacifists struggle acquited themselves corect on rais issue han so-called correct on this so-called Marxists such as Militant who time making up sophistical 'theoretical' reasons why they should fail to oppose the British fleet.
Similarly on the issue of the political levy, the Labour Coordinating Committee has been trying to get a central campaign off the ground. The LCC is criticism in the pages of Socialist Action. that the LCC have not been more successful. Socialist Action wants a campaign on the political levy not to 'expose' the LCC but because winning the ballots on the political levy would be a big step forward for the labour movement.
well in a recent interview when he said that unity in the struggle of the labour movement cannot be achieved around a theory — that is far too narrow. Unity can only be achieved in action, through defending the interests of the working class and those under attack.
under attack. It has nothing to do with the fantasies dreamed up by a Patrick Seyd - let alone the scurrillous abuse from the gutter press. The point is tha Tony Benn has been engaged in campaigns which defend the interests of the working class. barrassing to Neil Kinnock because he has not.
The truth is — and this has to be faced up to by every socialist Kinnock is leading the labour movement to a disaster. policies advocated statements accept the existence of mass unemployment. Incomes policies of the Others, type which Roy Hattersley is now so assiduously promoting are no different to those which smashed Labour's elec toral support in 1966-70 and 1975-79 Neil Kinnock is leading the Labour Party into a permanent minority position in politics. He is not putting forthese ward hegemonic establishing the political dominance of the labour movement, and a way out for society, but is instead more and more reducing Labour's role to a policing agency over the working class. This That is particularly clear in policy proposals. This role, which was originally projected as being Labour's said alone, now perhaps to be a joint Labour-Liberal policing job over the labour movement.
This entire trajectory was symbolis ed, and brought to a head, spent happened in the miners' strike. It used to be the tradition that (at least some) Labour leaders talked left when in opposition even though they moved right in office. Even in opposition Kinnock failed to support a crucial section of the of the more frequent targets of But on this issue, all we regret is future We think that Tony Benn put it very the fight struggle.
Fight That is why Tony Benn has been And this is deeply em ment - Neil ed The economic like remarkably come on this working strategy Equally, judgement. the incomes verbally conceded over what culus alices Those miners in their working class fighting for the elemer tary right of its community to exist. H also has failed to speak out to defen the right of those fighting for the communities through opposing ratt capping to break the law. Both hav done great damage to the struggle now and are the worst possible omen for th Does it follow from this that the let does not want a Labour government, a Roy Hattersley recently charged.
contrary. Every section th labour movement should be united in against Thatcher and an disunity on this field is a product o Kinnock's refusal to support those i On this, of course, the right and centre left of the party should have n fear whatever if their views of the worl are correct. Because, if they are right then it is the left wing who would ap pear foolish after a Kinnock govern If Neil Kinnock came to office an elminated mass unemployment, tackl poverty, staunchly backer Nicaragua, got nuclear weapons out o Britain, and carried out a whole serie of other progressive acts then Socialist Action would OOH foolish. They woul deserve to because they would have go it wrong! But we already know the out If however Neil Kinnock does what we think - that is if he presides over a government which viciously attacks the class and demoralises then it will be Peter Hain, the Labour Coordinating Committee, and the new left' will look stupid. they will deserve to because they will have made a disastrous misEither way however everyone has an interest in fighting for a Labour government.
We think that Tony Benn is dead right to make it clear that he has no in whatever of running against Neil Kinnock for the leadership of the in the present - and why those who are urging him to do so are sectarian ultra lefts who should be opposed on this who fully supported the struggle are today a minority in the labour movement. They do not have the power to lead the
vialist, SOCIALIST FUTURES: RAYMOND WILLIAMS whole. direction going nowhere tatorship. Campaign group of MPs. Ones we agree with are withdrawal from NATO and nationalisation of land. We do not agree that the police can be democratised — to take another proposal. But the priority given to the debate on policy at together with support for struggles and increasing the representivity of the party — is we believe entirely correct. All socialist should participate in this vigorously — and that is in the interests of the movement as a Finally all this poses the question of organisation of the left within the party. Some socialists are at present attemptine to set un lacross the board unified organisation in the party. We believe this is premature - IL iS no where the movement is at. Those attempts which are being made in that — notably by Labour Herald and Labour Briefing are unfortunately Labour Herald's analysis is one of ultra-left sectarianism — one based on the idea of an imminent economic collapse coupled with the idea we are living under some torm of authoritarian dic • This of course does not rule out certain right wing adaptations by