Socialist Action No. 103, 24 May 1985

Socialist Action · 24 May 1985 · 12 pages, 16,794 words read by machine

The scan: 103-may-24-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

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Page 1 scan of this page

Free Hancock & Shankland!

of the scab taxi driver David Wilkie.

The entire morning shift at Taff Merthyr

COlliery went chair of the Taff home. Hughes, Merthyr NUM lodge, said the men staged a spon-

Russell Shankland worked as belt attendant at the pit before the miners' strike.

*Russell was a smash-

fensive." added: didn't feel working and wanted to show solidarity with Russell who spent 12 months trying to save jobs. The men want

SHOW support for Russell and Dean.

By Graham Atwell

miners from Oakdale col-

Dean Hancock had been employed Lodge chair niff said: I was shocked rigid when I heard this verdict, because the summing up did not seem to be going that way.

He gave the general view of most South Wales miners and their porters when he said: was left feeling "there but for the grace of God. To me it wasn't justice. No 01C the pits believed

hat these boys deliberate

y tried to kill anyone, jus frighten them from going to work.

Few doubt that the verdict was political.

atmosphere EWIE hysteria against the strike. The judge in his advice to the jury, told them to put thinds ikes, he said, was a strike of their simple case of a man who was killed to prevent him exercising his fundamental right to go into work.

Even the defence council got in on the act. Speak-

Matter the verdict, he said he'd earlier talked of a nation at war during the coal strike: *In that war

THE SOUTH WALES valleys were shocked and angered last week by the murder verdict on miners Dean Hancock and Russell Shankland for the death

The verdict of Cardiff Crown Court, after a trial lasting eight days, was greeted by scenes described as unprecedented. There were spontaneous walk outs at two South Wales pits in protest against the sentences.

there were victims, two or inese are penne me He continued: will simply say that in the war there were generals and they stood outside the law, and mney lelt Kussel Shankland outside

He echoed the line of the throughout the trial: that Shankland

ly wanted to be on strike and had not been involvScargill and the nanonal union, he implied, had whipped up violence.

Besides its lack credibility defence it let the real guilty parties off the hook.

The police had Pher Vale colliery to Mee- surrounded Mervent normal picketing taking place. At the time David Wilkie's death, they had been warned by the NUM and the local mayor and residents that they feared violence would follow if picketing was not allowed.

Risks

The NCB had put intense pressure dividuals to return work, with letters, telephone calls, and visits.

South Wales area management, pushed MacGregor, were desperate to break the strike in Wales. They prepared to take any risks get miners back work There should be doubt the nature of this trial. It was a political trial, the verdict alla sentence were political verdict sentence disturbing feature the South Wah NUM's approach to trial. Since the end of the strike, they had a line of *keep heads down everything will

SociAList

ACTION

Stop the

frame-up

alright.' Their mentanty Dased rebuilding friendly WILS South NCB management.

SHOSE whom the NUM cannot ICES CHICH! are being found jobs with -OLIVaLC COLLI deLOrS, and area executive maintained friendly relations these people strike.

Russell and case has been weakened by the South Wales the strategy. There was public campaign in their defence. It is only in the the

com-

of Photo: JOHN HARRIS

NCB by

were

no class

and

the

bunker wave of shock following

on their sentences that a cam-

rela- paign is emerging.

Wales

Hopefully this will be in time for the trial of 70

for

men who cranes at Port Talbot, due to begin in June. Here too

The

been to keep quiet and rely

with on backdoor diplomacy. during the Miners are beginning

to see through Dean's strategy. Pickets

public meetings have been

NUM Cace cerence

no men on trial. The murder

trial must be the spark for a fightback.

No. 103

Party occupied the

such and of the

24 May 1985 30p

The alternative to the Communist

The case for black sections

Nicaragua appeals for aid

page 2/3

page 6/7

page 8 Demonstrate against

the frame up

Assemble 10.30am

outside St David's Centre, The Hayes,

Cardiff.

Speakers include Betty Heathfield, Dennis Skinner and

Euro-MP Ted Rowlands.

Page 2 scan of this page

The alternative t

AcTion

The decline of

Stalinism

IN BRITAIN the manifestation of the rise of forces to the left of the Communist Party is the development of the Bennite left of the Labour Party and Scargils leadership of the NUM. These are current represented indeed today the most advanced left wing mass alternatives to the Communist Party to have emerged in any imperialist country. But they are only one part of an entire international process — a process that has gone much further outside the imperialist countries in the creation of left wing alternatives to Stalinism.

Stalinism was a product of the tremendous defeats of the international working class in 1030g. The break un of international Stallinism began. logically, the 1940s superficially, Stain appeared to be at the very height of his power and prestige

The victory of the USSR in World War I!, and the other victories of forcing but to a weakening of the hold of the Soviet bureaucracy and of Stalinism.

The first wave of the break up of Stalinism took

within some The themselves The Yugoslav, Communist Parties parties in the bureaucracy and took power in their own countries.

first force in the world originating outside the Communist Party to overthrow than its origins however the 26 July Movement was not a bureaucratised party.

Despite its close ties to political support given to the Soviet bureaucracy - including in Eastern Europe - the Cuban Communist Party to this day has developed within it no bureaucracy, It has attempted to spread the revolu tion outside Cuba. Other developments appeared subsequently

In Grenada, in March 1979, the New Jewel Move Eric Gary before that revolution was tally

Gairy destroyed by Stalinist-influenced forces led by Bernard Coard who murdered Bishop and opened up the way to the United

In Nicaragua the FSLN, itself inspired by the Cuban

overthrew the

while the roll and ine New dewer Movenict asc by far the

of the because or gaey are simply to most ee eloped examples of a

are simply the most developed examples of a general trend Other forces breaking, or standing, the Soviet bureaucracy and Communist Parties have and do exist at lower the best known internationally are the mass reformist Workers Party (PT) in Brazil and the Phillipines Communist Party -name, pursues a revolutionary struggle independent of either Moscow or Peking.

In the early 1960s the development of the black American revolutionary Malcolm X was another expression of a similar process.

Within Ireland and the British state the two most advanced examples of such developments to the left of the Communist Party are Sinn Fein, since its leadership was taken by supporters of Gerry Adams, and the Scargill current of the NUM

All these phenomena, while part of an international process, are of course at totally development. The socialist organisations. Sinn Fein is a revolutionary tionalist formation. The Scargill current of the NUM is a class struggle force. tional process breaking to the left of Stalinism and the Communist Parties,

It is this process on an international scale which has opened up the way to Marxists to gain real contac! with sections of the working class. Both internationally and in Britain it is in these forces that the possibility exists to create a real mass left wing alternative to the Communist Parties and to Stalinism.

Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weeklv excent two weeks in Auzust and the last week of December.

Signed articles by contributors do not necessarily represent Socialist Action's views. These are ex-

pressed in editorials.

Send all correspondence regarding subscriptions. sales and receipts to Socialist Action Distribution, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP Send all material for publication (including advertising) to Socialist Action Editorial at the same address.

We regret that due to the high cost of postade we cannot return or acknowledge photographs unless accompanied by a stamped adcressed envelot.

Socialist Action

most spectacular

Arthur the 1920s and

the moment when,

working class led not to a rein-

Comman Chinese and Vietnamese while remaining bureaucratised grip 01 Me however a further decisive step was taken.

More imporant cancalloilk.

the Soviet Union, and

qualitative

such non-bureaucratised

revolution.

States invasion of the country.

Somoza dictatorship and state power of the working class. to te deft of ne entering Parties es

Communist Parties socialist

to the left of

stages of development. Two of

an organisation which, despite its

ditterent degrees of and NJM are revolutionary

But all are part of the interna • USONCILE CODY (:

24 May 1985

MPs fight to save embryo research

World leaders stress need for successful Geneva talks

World peace

gets boost

in Moscow

FOR SIXTY years the Communist Party of Great Britain has dominated politics to the left of the Labour Party. Its political influence extended far into the left wing of the labour movement itself. The CPB was the only political force to the left of Labour taken at all seriously by the majority of working class activists.

Therefore the weekend — a split in reality if not in words major turning point for the labour movement. A Communist Party which in the 1920s and 1930s could reduce its left wing critics literally to a few tens of people, is itself splitting today, and political currents to its left.

Marxists forces but others have a mass base in sections of the working class.

In a special feature, JOHN ROSS looks at the long road from the supremacy of the Stalinist Communist Party in the late 1920s to its present split at the alternatives to its left which have developed inthe labour movmement.

The Marxist

groups IT IS almost impossible

vantage point to appreciate just

left wing alternative to the Communist Party in Britain was in the 1920s and

the Stalinisation the

beginning.

Reg Groves, one of the founders of British Trot-

recalls that the organised left wing opponents of Stalin at that time were less than a hun-

with usual audience of a few

Party was able to use every means Irom bonucal argumen physical violence to exclude from serious influence in the

In the 19305 the first small Trotskyist organisaisolated by the CPGB within InP Independent Pae Labour the the Youth, and the other areas of left wing activity of the time.

The Independent Labour Party was left by the Communist Party Ine

Morning Star

debate Charte split of the Communist Party last

- marks a

confronted sigmaticant Some of these are small

and above all

wilderness outside the Labour rally. Ine majorily of left forces in the Labour League of Youth were dragged into support for the popular fronts in Spain and France and dispersed accordingly.

Despite the fact that the 1930s were the height Stalin's the USSR, and of defeats of the international working class imposed by Stalin's policies, nevertheless the CPGB succeeded completely marginalising all its left wing critics.

The first time that force lett of the CPGB succeeded in gaining Some red i cact was the end of World War II, with the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP).

The Trotskyist RCP stood

firmly against

Labour Party's participation in the wartime coalition government led by Churchill

and • gained support ac cordingly.

a Wartime

But the post-war boom and the wartime growth of the Communist Party, soon blocked the development of the RCP. By 1947 the RCP was in a state of disintegration disintegration speeded up by its own severe political deformations undemocratic internal

One of the splinters of the RCP, that led by Gerry Healey, did some serious political WULK with the

Bevanite left during the ear-

119505 But the

Communist Party, that remaintained the dominant poie of alliances for the Bevanites

and by the late 1950s

Healey's organisation was degenerating rapidly.

It was the vear 1956 which really serious beginning of the

of the Communist Party • and the beginning of the permanent existence of significant. forces to lis left. Internationally Nasser's nationalistation Suez canal, and the debacle ot ine brusn and rrench l vasion that followed, helped muel a turmer major uptur of struggle against col onialism. Most important of all Khrusche's "secret' speech denouncing Stalin, and above all the support of the CPGB for the Soviet invasion thousands to break with the Communist and dealt a blow to its political support from which it nas never recovered.

those breaking with the CPGB did so to the right that process creating range

the original 'new symbolised by EP Thompson. But a small layer, both of workers and 'intellec-

broke with the CPGB tuals' to its left.

Gordon McLennan

At the level of mass politics the development of CND in the early 1960s, TOT the first time since the 1920s

which escaped the Communist Party to its left. 1ne CPGB came into CND late, with considerable reluctance concerning its demand for unilateral nuclear disarmament, and never achieved the dominance had secured previous "peace' movements.

Most working class militants who broke leftwards from the CPGB in the 1950s were attracted by Healey's and were politically destroyed by the ultraleftism, and tyrannical internal regime, of that for-

up of the left wing of the labour movement following 1956 two currents emerged

maident mark lin ee ler-

mament mark the wing of the labour move ment.

The first was the revitalised and transformed New Left Review (NLR) under the editorship of Perry Anderson. NLŘ was remarkable, in British terms for its resolute luciltd Lunas

It translated and popularised in Britain the entire range of Marxist ideas developed in Western Europe and the United States since the 1920s In particular New Lefi Review was heavily influenced by Gramsci, Isaac Deutscher, and Ernest Mandel - the latter two being respectively the biographer Trotsky

Scargill addresses the May Day rally, 1984 and the best know leader to day of Trotsky's Fourth In ternational.

The entire nature and range of Marxist debate in Britain today would be inconceivable without the role played that period New Left Review.

The second force emerge from the aftermath of 1956 was the Interna-

(IMG). This formation also was marked bv its sharp in ternationalism - it became the first ever really serious,

opposed to largely nominal section of Fourth International in Britain

The IMG's internationalism was shown further in the decisive role it played in the late 1960s in building

Vietnam Solidarity Campaign the second lass movement which, after CND, clearly outflanked the Communist Party to its left. The IMG then went on, in the 1970s, to build up a reputation the only organisation of the Marxist lett with a serious t democratic internal struc-

well as characterised by interna-

and support women's, black, and gay self-organisation.

Up until the 1970s however all the groups to the left of the Communist Party were essentially small Marxist currents and with only a marginal toehold in the labour movement. But

early 1970s onwards the development of the 'Bennite' current of the Labour Party began

serious working class force to the left of the Communist Party It was this Bennite left that gained spectacular victories inside the Labour Party after th debacle of the 1974-79 Labour govertimen

The rise of

Bennism

by THE ORIGINAL I to nite' left of the Lab Party, as it develope the 1970s, had str support among cOI tuency party and tr union activists. Bu was further deepene the the late 1970s by specific processes.

significant Labour developed which achi its greatest popular suc with Ken Livingstone's tion as leader of the GI

Most significantly o Arthur Scargill himself on the Yorks miners 1969, 1972, and 1974.

the presidency of NUM.

The miners, vanguard OI the Br working class, and the t tional base of the CP for had given rise to • a l union leadership which

qualitatively to the of This reality raj revealed in the 1984 mir strike when the Commi

La ca South Wales and Scot

far to the righ Scargill's supporters, Ir miners' strike the entire

Bennite left took qualitative step. The sec to of the NUM leadership s bolised by Arthur Scarg fact broke with anyt seen in the last sixty yea since the defeat of general strike.

Scargill leade I ne of the NUM did not away, or try to limit th

Page 3 scan of this page

the Communist Panay

tion of the 1984-85 strike. On the contrary for an entire year systematically mobilised the miners and their supporters against the government in the greatest working class struggle outside war since the general strike. I cerica ine courts, based itself on working class mentary law agallisi parliamentary created caround the NUM the greatest alliance of the working _ class and since World War II Inaction

The emergence of the Scargill leadership NUM was a qualitative moment working class politics - a rupture in the politics of the labour move. ment equivalent to that in ling ilass politics which

been created by the lecline of support for the Conservative Party and the emergence of the SDP.

The working class adicalisation which had egun in the late 1960s had ow given rise to something ualitatively different to the Broad Leftist politics leveloped the trade

nions in the 1960s and 1970s the 'Broad Lefism' earlier symbolised by Hugh JaCK ones and carried on today д а different form by Jim-

Scargill current of the NUM saw the emergence of

first class struggle cadership of the working Hass for sixty years.

The force of the miners inke in turn split, and ecomposed, the old rather morphous Bennite ICL. one part of that left, inHuding Tony Benn, Dennis

and the Campaign roup of MPs, defended the

Never

Miners

miners' strike right through

to the end. They finished up

tar the left of their

previous positions and

took with them one section

of the left of the labour

LOVENCHL With the

miners' strike a radicalisation of the left set in whose cutting edge was the NUM QUI extended far beyond that.

A second section of the old Bennite left peeled off to the right now symbolised by Michael Meacher, David Blunkett, and Tom Sawyer. Ken Livingstone tries to occupy Interneolate position between "inside left' and

which developed around the miners and Benn.

The wheel had in fact full circle. The Stalinisation of the Communist Parti the had pushed its left wing Marxist very fringes of the labour movement - and confined them to tiny groups of pec ple. The long upturn of in

struggle from the 1940s onwards and above all that after 1956

began to reintroduce these in serious and permanent way into British politics.

Tony Chater, editor of the Morning Star

Under Estrmate

Finally, with the rise of

working class struggle after

1968 the development of the

Benne • lett. in the 1970s, and culminating in the 1984

miners strike, Marxist ideas could once more seriously strike roots in the labour movement. At the very same time they were doing so the Communist Party was splitlilig.

An alliance

for socialism

IF THE development of the left wing of the labour movement, and in particular the aftermath of the miners' strike, opens up the door for serious Marxist ideas to gain roots in the labour movement which they have not had for sixty years then there is a con dition for success in this task. This is that the Marxists in Britain have to break with both their primitive conceptions of Marxism and iheir 'infantile' ultra-left past.

The Communist Party, precise because of its link

Class movement based on the Soviet bureaucracy, had. and has, a coherent strategy

albeit completely disasterous one. Its 'broad democratic alliance', a simple updating of the popular front strategy of the 1930s gives a clear coherence to its policy at every level.

that strategy of the CP much of

Wives

what has passed for Marx-

ism in the labour movement

britain 1s in fact little more than primitive, and systematised ultra leftism -

although its origins general lie in an adaptation

to British imperialism.

Ideas of currents such as the Militant or Workers Revolutionar Party that socialist revolution in Bri-

years away, that the British bourgeoisie is at the end of its tether and held up merely by a thin layer of labour traitors have been, and are, presented as the authentic

varxist alternative to the CPGB despite the fact that such views have nothing to do with the *classical Marxism' of Lenin, Trotsky, Rosa Lux emburg, Gramsci and others.

Tony Benn

with far more credit than it

deserves. Indeed the Com-

munist Party is very content

to see the debate over ine

future of the Labour left as

polarised between itself on

one side and ultra-leftism on

the other. This is exactly the

terrain on which, despite the

GPGB's decline, it has the

greatest credibility. Further-

Page 4 scan of this page

4 Socialist Action 24 May 1985 NATIONAL UNIOM OF MINEWORKERS STAND BY OUR

VICTIMISED MEMBERS

The Miners Solidarity fund is the only official fund. The account is at the Co-operative Bank

West Street, Sheffield. Sorting code 08.90.75, account no. 30000009. The NUM are asking trade unionists to sign a pledge for at least 50p a week or to take out a standing order.

BIRMINGHAM TRADES Council Miners Support Committee has continued to meet since the end of the strike. On June 1 it takes its most important initiative to date with a demonstration calling for amnesty for sacked miners and no pit closures.

The demonstration will assemble at l1 am at

Square for a rally at 12.30 pm. Speakers will in-

Heathfield, Jack Collins and West

The demonstration has received the support of miners, Women Against Pit Closures groups and support committees in many other COULLLY.

ingham should contact the trades counci on 021-236 1240 for details of how to get to the

Women Against

Pit Closures 'WE SEE it as our duty to raise funds for the sacked and imprisoned miners here in Nottingham. The Womens Support Group has sent letters to everyone who supported us throughout the strike telling them that we haven't gone away. That we are still here and we are still fighting to stop pit closures. We need money now not for striking miners but for

Women Against Pit Closures is made up of all the different areas of the coalfields. Each areas is involved in raising funds and sending them to the national fund. A special leaflet is being produced nationally by Women Against Pit Člosures to advertise this fund.' (Pam Oldfield tel 0623 20226)

THE NATIONAL Organisation of Miners in

demonstration for Saturday 8 June around three demands — Free the Prisoners, Reinstate the sacked men, Stop the Victimisation.

The leaflet advertising the event points out that there 'are now eighty miners and their supporters in prison serving sentences of between

NOMPAS was set up just before the end of the strike. Its committee consists of NUM members and women from the coalfields. It is mounting a campaign to free the miners and their supporters imprisoned as a direct result of government porces m toe audig moustry•

Jackie Kaye explained why NOMPAS was concentrating on the issue of the prisoners. 'We've had two meetings since we were established as an orcanisation. We are concerned with miners in jail.

We support anyone who has been sent to prison as a result of the strike. The NUM has set up a fund for the sacked and victimised miners. sut we see our role as being a political campaigr nd we have been unable so far to give financial support to the sacked men. We support the demand for an amnesty and for re-instatement.'

stand against authorities. number

services.

the local community.

road with council vehicles.

road to victory. Socialist

of how to fight is being put into practice.

Hackney:

Council

action

cil meeting was unable lo take place. will see another vote at a normal council

Hackney. VALERIE COULTAS reports

mittee reflects the strength

fight Jenkins' ratecapping

milion next

DEINONG.

we none on socoysic

man, leader of the union's

THE FIGHT against the Tories rate capping proposals is reaching the crunch. Some hard choices are having to be made and the need to take a clear

setting a rate has divided Labour have capitulated and abandoned the fight against cuts in jobs and

Others, such as Hackney and Lambeth, continue to fight. The key to that fight must be united action of counciliors, local authority trade unionists and

In Hackney, council workers occupied the Town Hall to prevent any possible rate setting meeting taking place and in Islington thousands of council workers demonstrated their support by blocking the

Those councils still fighting deserve the support of all those in the Labour movement committed to a campaign against the Tory attacks. Surcharge and illegality have to be risked as an essential step on the

Action looks at two councils, Hackney and Lambeth where the example

workers take

COUNCIL WORKERS took over Hackney Town Hall last Thursday afternoon to stop right wing Labour councillors joining with Tories and Liberals

The occupation was a success. The special coun-

and Labour could split down the middle. If a rate is set the struggle will pass onto the council workers atalll

let them betray us.

of many vital services and social services are a lifeline

acces bait of Hackie, Labour Party points out

imum rent rise of 18 per

negativ i celuded one"

loan charges to pay back councilor:

CUTS IS JOBS AND

in prison. Fortunately my

Enrough

Lauc unless

many demonstrators out-

soneers pusticu lurough a rate there would be

'We can quite understand the action of the Joint

Commit-

wise cuts then. There be

for these people who have broken party policy in the

te voluntary sector y coll

dinionists over the issue of councillors to break with

rate and making cuts.

have come. However, with last councillors supported the

vote

move to next business no

leader

24 against on some votes.

the right has to push for a

stand on the question of

plains. 'They can take my

News

HACKNEY JSSC

SERVI

fight will continue in this sold stand se about support of no rent rises, no

DIEL main that Hackney could

LADOUI what was clear from the

run It l CALLY

LILLILY Lambeth continues

the fight

FEELINGS RAN high last week when Lambeth Council met with the Labour councillors barely able to hold off attempts to set a rate. Council workers struck from 3 pm on Wednesday in order to leaflet the public. Then over 300 people attended a Labour rally addressed by Denis Skinner, John McDonnell, Hilda Kean and Sharon Atkin among others, before marching to the Town Hall, where lobbyers were able to watch the Council meeting on closed circuit

out, addressing the loband three Labou

colm worker Hackney have had to occupy their town halls when

Lambeth Miners' Support Committee

'Defending Jobs'

Dennis Skinner (MP for Bolsover), John Moyle (sacked Kent miner), Chris Gunter (Lambeth Bridge), Vanessa Wiseman (Lambeth NUT),

Wednesday 22 May, 7.30pm St. Matthews Meeting Place, Brixton Hill (opposite Town Hall)

Page 5 scan of this page

For a national union

News

DAVE CROWTHER, delegate from Warsop Main colliery, Socialist Action about the proposed rule changes.

Two main arguments agalnst une rule changes have been put forward.

The first is the simplistic argument of Lynk and the rest of the Notts leadership.

Their line is that the rule changes will turn the NUM into some kind of totalitarian dictatorship in which Scargill wil be able to do anything he wants. It is a line designed to play on

judices and not worth discussing.

The second argument is that the rule changes will strengthen bureaucracy witnin the unon. more power to national officials and area full-timers, and taking decision-making out of the hands of

membership area level.

These criticisms deserve to be properly discussed. It is important that we are able to discuss the objections without seeming to line up with Lynk in any way.

Two arguments can be put up in favour of rule changes. The first is simply that the national leaderforwarduting the cationas forward, national leadershin is a good leadership, and therefore the changes should be ported.

This argument boils down to blind loyalty to the national leadership.

That might be OK in some circumstances, but doesn't deal with the issue.

Regroup

The real argument for the changes has to start from the situation we face

the mining industry.

The outcome of he usDule mcans lud we ow face job losses through pit closures and volulltaly redundancies.

Our industry faces period of contraction. The union has to reorganise and regroup under these conditions. We need to do this by moving towards being a genuine national

WILE united membership and united purpose.

The new national rule book is a means to move in

It will help consolidate the areas into

how to deal with NACOD's overtime ban.

sisting that pit deputies work weekend rotas and treating those who refuse as being in breach of contract. Those who hold this threatening not to pay cannot work as a result of the deputies action and to go over the heads of NACODS to encourage members to defy the ban.

with a normally 'moderate union is unnecessary and negotiations should be resumed as soon as possible.

don't trust the Coal Board to establish the new review procedure cedure and consult the unions if a pit is threatened with closure.

end of the dispute and the board is trying to completely ignore the unions in the coal industry.

the action and reports suggest that up to 30 per cent of coal production is in jeopardy from this action.

North Derbyshire area

spoke to

the national unior.. The

new rule book also

designed to help protect

the union fran legal at-

tack by the courts. It will

indemnity all actions

taken by N'M officials in

line with union policy.

Some argue that this

will mean making Ine

leadership less accoun-

table to the membership.

But this misses the point.

The rule changes don't

make the leadership any

less accountable io the

membersnip

sure that the union is not

accountdole lo une courts.

The membership has a say

and the

indemnification of NUM

officials refers specifically

to acts carried out in the course of fighting for these

policies. Policy

The same goes for the Scargill's

casting vote that he

won't have to comply with

Tory anti-union laws and

stand for re-election. For a

start, this 'change' is .E,

line with decisions of the

1983 NUM conference. It

protects the 1983 decision

from interference by the

courts but the real issue is

not the question of Scargill

as an individual.

Again it is a question

of protecting the policy of the union.

we mus get away from personalities and look at policies.

Those who attack the rule changes tend to focus on nersonalities. they are really doing proteching une arca icadel ships against the national

Although they do f for different reasons, that LUC for South Wales well as Notts.

The rule changes are designed to move towards

united national union and Helena union policies against terterence bv the courts. It is not a question of protecting individuals, or of taking accountability from the membership.

The changes are a conSLEULLIVE walkare which will strengthen the union

the difficult times ahead. Other areas shouid follow North Derbyshire and support them for that

SPLITS ARE emerging within the Coal Board over

One side wants a head on confrontation in-

are also members of the NUM who

The other side thinks a sharp confrontation

The problem for both sides is that NACODS

USC ULC old renew U1U-

14 pit closures have been announced since the

60 per cent of NACODS members voted for 4

ticle on the NUM reprinted below.

The Tory press and Others have in recent davs been spreading rumours about the proposed rule changes.

Check the following details with your branch officials, who will have copies of the proposed rule changes. You will find that: * It is not true that the new rules will transfer power irom ine memnoets to the officiais.

The new ruies include a series of fresh areas of jurisdiction tor ine conference elected delegates and lor a tional ballot of the membership.

For the first time, conference delegates and members will have voting

on whether to remove the nationai or. *ciais and area officials. In the mast this issue never cante before delegates or

As in the old rules the authority of the union vested in conference. 'The government the union

provided for in these rules.

cetween conference the NEC shall administer the

Dusiles and affairs of the union and perform all duties laid down for it by resolution of conference, and it shall not at any time act con trary to, or in defiance of any resolution of conference * It is not true that the new rules will make it impossible to get rid of of-

Why we need

the rule changes

THE NOTTS COLLIER is the paper that supports the national executive and the national union in the Nottinghamshire NUM. Its May issue carries an arrule changes that we have

As explained above, it will actually become easier for the membership 1o ECHOVE Otticials break democratically agreed union policy removal of national and area officers will be decided for the first time by conference and a membership ballot — not just a smali group on Disciplinary Committee.

Autonomy

Rules To me remova of the NEC or any of its members remain unchang-

* It is not true that the new rules destroy the independence of the Areas. The proposed rules differ in only minor respects from the old rules despite the claims in the press.

Every right of the Constituent Associations in the old rule book is upheld in Trade unions in their even full. They registered right.

Continui local autonomy over local funds and state that the district rules for the constitution of area executives ana councis sull stand National, area and officials always been subject to the of the UD1OO conference, ever since the NUM was founded.

Anyone claiming the autoncurbed underes pros autonomy dicas las posed rules has probably

never consulted the old rule book. This states explicitly that no action by any branch or area can take place without the previous sanction of the NEC. The same wording is adopted in the proposed new rule * It 15 not that delegates or officials can be indemnified for act, whether it is in line with union rules or not.

The indemnity clauses in the rules state explicitly that any act must have sanction of conference, or the NEC subject to con terence where the NEC Done lo uphold union ruies, before it earns incentuity. Benefits

In fact, the national officials are the only ones under the old rules to have implicit indemnity under law. The new clauses are included because it is only fair that rank and file delegates should have similar protection for car-

OHL the wishes of those who elect them. * It is not true that the DIODOSCU of Associate Membership will give them powers in the union, or allow them to act on behalf of the union.

The proposed rule states that 'an associate member shall not be eligi ble to vote, receive benefit, attend meetings (except by specific invitation) nor hold any office in the union'

Associate members exist for many other unions, t and as many under the

How the Nottingham Miner portrays the nationa leadership in its 'Vote No' issue

proposed NUM rules, the! nave no powers. * It is not true that Vot tinghamshire members could be place under the leadership of the Kent Area VL'M.

Both old and proposed rules on the rights of Con stituent Associations rule this out completely. Unde a new rule. dealing with Constituent Associations it is clear that the Notting hamshire NUM

None members could be taken out and placea lI another Constituent Ass-

Socialist Action 24 May 1985

PHOTO: Norts Coller

* It is not true that the Notts pension fund I could be taken over by the national union.

No such powers are proposed nor have they ever existed. The new rule states: 'Each Area Branch in accordance with the provisions of its rules, may collect from members contributions in excess of those provided for in these Rules for the purpose of provident, welfare and other benefits alla shall and autonomy over such

Page 6 scan of this page

Black s

6 Socialist Action 24 May 1985

DESPITE THREATS

Labour 8 national executive,

several constituency parties

look likely to go ahead

lion or.

perlismentary

full partici

tion

Proi

didate

firmiy in the na

(reprinted belos) points w up to the Labour Party decide whether or not shoutine themselves i the

Cent south, a sate Labour seat, party has decided to short-list three ection activists - Sharon Atkin,

Keith Vaz and Paul Boateng

avilt who is retiring at the end of this

But the purty is corrently selecting their candidate

without the participation of the local

black section.

One of the three candidates, Sharon

Alkie, correctly poits

solidarily with the black sections cam.

mign Is wore, important than one ar

Your selection by Lewisham East as

candidate hasn't been Dementar accepted as omical Dy Labour's national executive. Can you explain why that is, and what your own view of the Lewisham East's decision is?

In an effort to highlight the position of black sections and of black people in the Lasoul Party, Lewisham decided to include its two black section delegates in the selection process. The NEC representatives told us that would be in breach of party rules. Nevertheless, at three successive general committees, the position was upheld.

The situation now is that because those two delegates were at the selection meeting and also because the local parly accepted a nomination from the black section, my candidature is not official. We've not received a communication to that However, reading the press — it's the only way we ever get to hear about what the NEC's doing — we gather they're likely to take a long view on the quetion, and seek to get a timetable for the selection of an official candidate for Lewisham East.

The black section has been a campaign I've been associated with for the last two years. As someone who has been campaigning on the issue, I was delighted that the party took the stand that it did. This has really dramatised the whole question of the position of black people in the Labour Party. It took the issue a stage further than in a number of other constituency parties. where they were just carrying resolutions.

I was impressed with the tremendous unity in the party around this issue. At the GC after GC when the

• 6: 3 :! two black members of pr

Said: One black MP la black prople, we are going to solve the lion as well as it into what Teny Ben

organisation attemp the interests of the their allies by voice is given resi

That beach people ute anone

way 10

policies and its public

black people's intereste ся t be just multi-t

There the difficulty of Net scat for

didates for parliament. That is a rea threat to what Russell Profitt calls the

Knock and the institutionalised racism throughout the parly That is why black sections' the selection process has been blocked It is also why every single socialist in the Labour Party has the clementary duty Laurie to support defend the actions of the

Party black section. means today supporting Russell Profitt and the correct stand of Lewisham Bast constituency. - Resolutions protests should flood the NEC und parly conferences.

CAROL, TURNER discussed with RUSSELL PROFIT, the Issue surrounding his selection.

East paper

effect.

Russell Profitt

question was discussed, we were winning votes by massive majorities: 37 in favour, 5 against — that's the type of votes we were winning.

What was also interesting was the way members of the party began to see the queshon Of race. responsibility for action. question of the right of black people to be heard in the labour movement.

Another development was the increase in the level of black participation in the party locally. It became an issue, becarke cause something which black people who hitherto have not played an active role in the party coula see was tell alree concern.

Cent. She

arliament is

of right to

black secLy because it is a ques.

amental relabour Party one

that line.

The position is still delicate. tha within

people are antong

Where's on- within our community.

uring that the

want a compromise?

rest of Labour's Not merely do black didate, we're satisfied with the

cedures, that candidate.

Mrs are beating Thatcher. recism But the campaigning with its new candidate? is reflected

few months.

01 Neil Kin- Zelle more jobs

part in east.

more jobs wihin the constituency

and

provements.

Labour Party in more contact tenants' and residents'

care facilities, and so on.

precisely where

anti-Thatcher socialism.

talking In those terms.

particularly the miners' dispute.

black people in the campaign?

La personal

It became a

became

That whole process has energised the party and made it more determined to fight for equal opportunities issues in a more direct way than was ever the

The party has put itself on the portant that

The NEC could close down the party it they wished. They could block any attempt to bring about a change in Lewisham, and could also stoo us taking on Thatcher and the real challenges that exist

Do you think the NEC is likely to go for that sort of confrontation, or would it

Soundings from Walworth Road suggest they are trying to find a way of dealing with the issue. Our position is clear: we've got a parliamentary can-

proand we'll continue backing

I don't know what the NEC's going to do about that, but that's the position the party. which this GC's taken. The overwhelming feeling is that the party's got to sort out those rules so we can get on with

So, is Lewisham East going to start

Yes. Three central issues in this constituency will be picked up over the next

Firstly, the question of into the area.

Employment has never been particularly bright in Lewisham, especially in the

The party will be involved in a campaign to highlight the need for

Secondly, we've got an ageing housing stock in East Lewisham. We need to demand that action is taken to improve housing and the management of nousing estates, and at the same time to explain the reasons why the Labour coun cil is being forced by a Tory government to cut back on the housing im-

The third campaign we're going to wage is a community-based campaign to defeat the local member of parllament. The Tories have alienated so many groups with so many different ac tions they've taken over the last few years. I think it's quite important that we see a broad-based campaign emerging to defeat Thatcher, by getting the

WILL associations, young people, people who need child

Those are the three things we'll be working on, taking the issues to people

constituency so tnev can see the Labour Party stands. But in doing that we've got to prepare clear policies, we've got to project that a vote for Labour is not just an doing things

It's a vote for

It would help us tremendously if the leadership of the party actually started

munity. simply clobbering local parties like East Lewisham and ducking a number of central questions that have been posed,

Given that Lewisham East has chosen to fight for black sections' rights and has chosen a black candidate, is there going to be a particular emphasis on

The c

l'd emphasise that the Labour Party can't just be a multi-racial party, it's got to be an anti-racist party - the ditference being you've got to say it's im-

black people define for themselves the features of the struggle that's taking place and are actively involved in overcoming the resistance to race equality which exists in this coun try. That means that through the campaign which has already begun we've got to bring more black people into the work of the Labour Party.

In talking about the number of groups who have lost out through the

recognise that at the bottom of every economic and social pile you will find large groups of black people. In taking this stand it's very important we set out to work consciously and deliberately with black people in the constituency. The black section is involved in raising the issue within the party and at the same time raising the case for more activity to bring more black people into

One's got to be realistic however, and recognise that the record of the Labour Party on the question of race and equal opportunity means it's very, very hard to convince many black peo- that ple that it really is worthwhile joining the party. That's the question we wil have to face in getting out on the streets and recruiting more people

Instead of just talking about doing things for black people, as the Cail didate in East Lewisham I hope we'll be

together, and that the whole party's profile on the race question will be much higher, placing that within the context of the economic and social forces which operate in the com-

We've had situations in the past where there weren't black candidates in winnable seats or safe Labour seats. The party tended to duck the issue of race and immigration at election time

- it rather hoped to sup in quietly That's not going to be my style.

I intend to be sure that whatever platforms we take include black peo-

ple, whatever questions we raise have black perspective. There's no questio of us not being up-tront on this ar longer.

You mentioned the miners' strike as a example of the Labour leaderhsip n doing as much as it could. One of ti rather special things about the way A thur Scargill led the miners' strike wi the alliances he made with all sorts ‹ people. The strongest was with wome Dul inere was & siganical number • black groups who organised as blac people to support the miners. Are the any lessons in that for your own can paign?

Yes I'm certain there are lessons to l learned. The National Union Mineworkers has always been at tl forefront of struggles for trade unic rights in this country. It's always tak a sharp view. That has helped th union define who its supporters ar and at the same time to seek allianc with groups who are also on the fro line. So it's quite natural for the NU to make connections with women at black people.

The role of the miners' wives duri

struggle also helped create alliance for women's rights generall There was a community of interes developing right throughout dispute.

With the full support of the trad unions and of the Labour Party could have seen an uprising of intere overcoming the Tory government at bringing them down. That wasn't t case. but it doesn't mean that all t connections made during that strugg need disappear

During the miners' strike the fa that there are a number of black mine in this country emerged, particularly the Nottingham area. And they certai ly weren't the ones who were at wo during the strike

A lot of black people could see th the struggle the miners were waging which was basically a struggle agair institutionalised power in this count

was their struggle. And a lo mineworkers also found out that t way authority responds to challenges simmat in each case

When previously they saw what w nappeming to me black community lu probably didn't make the connectio But through picketing and in their cor

- the use of massive force overwhelm trade unionists th could see that this is a brutal state, centralistic society which uses whatev power it can to deny rights to disadva taged groups or those who are out change the fundamental orientation power within this country.

I think that lesson is not going to lost on this generation. And I certain none we can maintain the tinks a develop them for the future

One of the few major British unio which backed black sections at par conference last year was the Nation Union of Mineworkers. That is an i dication of the understanding with that union of these sorts of question

Let's develop what you're saying abo power relations. Tony Benn calls f the refounding of the Labour Party, which he means labour has got rebuild itself based on broader sectio

working class moveme than just organised labour - bla

Page 7 scan of this page

ections

people, women, opposition to missiles and so Is that the sam thing you're talking about?

I think the Benn argument is er. =portant. It's saying that there zie arge groups of people for speaks. whose only averte -a shange 1s at the level of the streets. That can only lead to frustration and bitterness. I support the idea embodied in the Benn argument. I would say that the key is direct involvement, for the grass roots organisations to emerge and force the Issue wrough in lne party.

That's where black sections come in. It wasn't a bureaucratic initiative to

blacks around the flagpole of the Labour Party, it was a demand from people who've been within the labour movement, could see little prospect of things did ourselves. I think that more and more over the next few yeas we will see those developments taking place.

But for a real change to occur we're going to have to see a clear-out of the leadership of the Labour Party. The things they represent, hold, are out of step with the community and the party.

That's true. The other point Benn makes the need for parliamentary activity. If we rely on parliament to change things, we'll end up will exactly Ine sale ord status eu0. But the argument in the labour movement after the miners' strike is about recomposing the left around Kinnock, rather than around the class struggle principles that Tony Benn and Arthur Scargill represent. What's your position?

I have strong views about Kinnock. He doesn't strike me as the leadership figure that many within the party think him to be. I remain unimpressed by his efforts to come to grips with the central issues facing the labour movement. In terms of understanding the forces at

ase for

the taking 1o I've been cons.

co one

The doesn't appear to have...

party wary working

who is, getting

tor

movement further.

the views they within the Labour

they would have emerged.

ple and arguing the

you were in parliament today.

and civil liberties port via positive sign

extra-

and Latin America.

American missiles

ticularly the use of nuclear power

say 1

-at zithin the labour movement and

encourage those to grow, ment. disappointed with his reacand

Whether or not therefore the left should be urged to group themselves around him is an interesting question. If there was a groundswell of support within the Labour Party for Neil Kinnock those sorts of allegiances — which

- would have been there. But as i see it a lot ot

members are distrustful, a bit sort of softly-softly socialism he's offering to the British

We are in a difficulty in terms of an alternative to Kinnock. I think the party is facing the dilemma about whether this is the time to become involved in a battle about leadership. I don't think it

but at the same time I don't feel wholehearted support for the current leadership. I would want to argue the case for change, for a whole different team of activists in the party to take this

As to whether Tony Benn has got it right, or whether we're moving towards a sort of Bennery without Benn: my view is that if there were other people

Party that spoke with the socialist force of Tony Benn,

But there isn't. I respect him greatly for his ideas, his analysis, and for posing the issues as parties he does, without watering them down.

The sort of socialist change we want will only come through mobilising peo-

questions with them. It we ignore that we li never gel the socialist community we all want.

Let's come back then to what you were saying earlier. Be specific about the sort of policies you would be fighting for if

I've been involved in various civil rights

campaigns, so I'd what to do that. I also believe we need to break down the barriers to involvement on a local and national level. So I'd be seeking better representation of women and black people in various decision-making forums in the country.

I support the campaign for a united Ireland, and welcome Sinn Fein's sup-

the ballot box. That is for the future of that country. I also support proposals to reinvest in building Britain up again, to create jobs and better social services.

would also be associated with campaigns designed to get Britain away from the coat-tails of Reagan, and for a fairer share for third world countries. Labour should certainly be speaking out against what Reagan 1s doing in Nicaragua and Central America. The party has the most appalling record of speaking out Ior the rights of those countries fighting for freedom and self-government. It would be important to ensure not just that Labour spoke out, but made ene mnks wil struggles Tor mdependence and freedom in Central

I would happily vote for Britain to withdraw from NATO, and to send the

back and to renounce the need tor nuclear weapons And I would want to see the party more conscious of environmental issues, par-

Those are the sorts of issues I'd be taking up in parliament. That's not to

think you get those sorts of

changes just through working in parlia-

The problem with many MPs is that they see parliament as the be-all

end-all. Working with munities, working with campaigns, to get the debate and discussion outside parliament, that's important — rather than flogging away in the Palace of Westminster thinking you're making real changes.

A final question. I think Lewisham East's stand will encourage other consuluencies do likewise. message do you have for those constituencies, and how confident do you feel that there'll be other black candidates chosen to run in the next election?

I'm sure there'll be more black candidates chosen, the question is whether they'll be running in winnable constituencies. I hope that by the action Lewisham East has taken we've set an example for other constituencies.

One Lewisham is not going to create the transformation we need to make the party anti-racist. I look to other parties taking the same stand because it seems to me that by that we'll press on with our demands for change. Parties would do well to choose black socialist candidates to stand for parliament.

Lewisham in a siluation where we need support. We hope other

will take strength from our and tha1 they will pressure on the NEC to make sure that Lewisham East is not isolated.

committee

THE BLACK sections national committee has criticised 'provocative' the recent statement by George Foulkes MP, a shadow foreign affairs spokesperson, that our actions could cost Labour the next general election.

The current row over black seetion involvement in selection and reselection of Labour candidates is yet another example of the party leadership shooting themselves in the foot on the race issue and then scape-goating black people.

Referring to the decision of Constituency Labour Parties who support us to include black section delegates in their selection-reselection process, even though the party constitution forbids this, the black sections national committee said: It is the abour Partv na tional executive committee who hell-bent confrontation issue, not us. What difference will the addition of two black delegates make?'

Let us not forget there are at least 50 Labour MPs who owe their seats to black voters in their constituency who hold the balance of power. As black section activists we have proved by our actions our commitment to Labour victories. In the past year we have helped increase the amount of black coun-

What put

Black sections national

cillors in London from 70 to more than as 80.

Bernie Grant, Labour Party black become Britain's first black leader of a council in Haringey, buretana nas been pickea, black section involvement, to fight the forthcoming GLC by-election in Vauxhall. When she is elected in July, Lorna will become the first black woman GLC member.

ted to the return of a Labour government at the next general election, but party leaders must be reminded this will not happen without the black people -supporters.

Confidence

are this

communities in Labour is understandably low as a result of the party's past

policing, employment equality. been made worse lately by the Labour leadership's open hostility to the fundamenta issue representation raised by black activists in the party.

George Foulkes when they black people is patronising. longer prepared to be treated as voting fodder by white, male MPs. more, the Labour Party cannot preach about racial equality without first sorting out its own house.

Mr Foulkes and party leader Neil Kinnock have themselves out ot touch with grassroots black opinion. It is no good them saying they black rights the because conference voted against black That

NUM LONDON SK

SUPPORT GROUP STREL.

Black miners' support group take a collection at last year's Nottingham carniva

chair of Tottenham section, has

and Lorna support

ford

currently Black section activists are commit- reselection

support of Labour's most loyal South, and Poplar.

delegates The confidence of Britain's black

like immigration, and racial This worrying situation has has had an sections. black political

The language of Labour leaders like

refer to We are no

Further-

repeatedly proved

The are powerless to deliver up within Labour Party supporters.

Socialist Action 24 May 1985 whelmingly white like the union bosse who wield the big block votes. This sor of reasoning is contemptuous of th black communities.

The black sections national com mittee applauds the brave stands

Not recently Lewisham East Labour Party, Dept

Labour Party and Norwoo Labour Party. We have agreed to asl Constituency Labour Party supporter

involved in selection without black delegates on their management com mittees to defer the process. This wil immediately affect nine CLPs Nor wood, Deptford, Hornsey and Woor

Tottenham Southall Bren Westminster North and Bor Norwood and Deptfor have already voted to defer.

The extra CLPs who are intending to go ahead with their black sectior

are Vauxhall, Streatham Nottingham East, Lewisham East anc Newham North West. The nationa committee unanimously agreed to pres for selection-reselection processes no to go ahead until after Labour Party conference in Bournemouth this yea

opportunity to agree blacl We are confident the NEC' positive discrimination working party will recommend acceptance.

The NEC must allow their report to go belore conference We are urging deferment of selection-reselection pro cesses in CLPs where black sections ex ist but, for various local reasons have so far been left out of the process, in the interest of party unity. After all, believe that without this involvement ol black people in a number of key seats. the process can only further entrench black community lack of confidence in the Labour Party.

Labour leadership have their power to call off the threatened action against black section

They should do sO im-

Page 8 scan of this page

Trade unionists

Socialst Action

NICARAGUA

THE FOLLOWING tional appeal 'For Peace, against aggression' has been issued in Managua by the CST Nicaraguan trade union federation.

Socialist Action hopes this appeal will be taken up in the whole labour movement.

The translation is by the CST. Managua

Dear Brothers and Sisters: Please allow uS to send greetings and to express our deep confidence that we will achieve the peace that we long for and are fighting for daily.

Brothers and sisters, we would like to take this opportunity to summarize the critical situation our people are living through as a result of Mr. Reagan's mongering policy, and to raise with you the idea of urgent action in solidarity with our cause. Let us explain.

Vicaraguan workers are suffering _nder and confronting the onslaught

Reagan administration's -cicies of aggression. As Nicaraguan - orkers we appeal to the trade unions :. he world to help us survive.

The US aggression that is bleeding he working people of Nicaragua affacts each and every aspect of our life. We must call attention to the difficult sonomic and social situation we in-erited from Somoza's military dicatorship — such as the $520.3 million in damage caused by the bombarding di some 50 per cent of our industries and housing; $518.8 decapitalization and plunder government in debt of $1.65 billion; the cost of the 50,000 human lives of those who perished and the care for 40,000 orphans; the feeding of one million people with totally ссолоту.

The aim of the brutal US war of aggression is the total and complete destruction of the Sandinista People's

24 May 1985

appeal for aid

president

interna-

- the main

Rica that include and horrific murders of more 8,500 people young people,

fessional people.

CST

billion in economic losses.

In addition,

government s aggression.

you

goes for oil purchases.

things that we

puts for agriculture, etc.

Nicaraguan working being brutally superpower. 10,000.

dinate amounts

moured M-60 deployed barely 3

101 st

million Atlantic Oceans.

of the the foreign

waters and air space.

Criminal

dependent

diplomatic

Revolution. That is why thousands of

troops supported by the of the United States. Mi Reagan, and under the guidance of the Central Intelligence Agency have launched attacks from the neighbouring territories of Honduras and Costa

kidnapping, rape than including children, old people, wulich. workers, students, peasants and pro-

Counter revolution

They have unleashed terrorism, destroying and burning down homes, schools, tarm cooperatives, chilacare centres, transportation, oil and food depots. This has resulted in over $1.08

the foreign debt of $1.65 billion has risen to $4.35 billion because of interest. Due to the international economic crisis and the US

Nicaragua will have a balance of trade deficit of approximately $500 million in 1985.

them,

Of the earnings from exports, 37 per cent goes to service the foreign debt left by Somoza and 40 per cent

These two categories alone add up to 77 per cent, leaving 23 per cent for obtaining the

must buy abroad: medicines, vehicies, spare parts, In-

people are are attacked by the US Nicaragua its people's democracy need committed solidarity in order to survive. The in-

of the US government against Nicaragua becomes ever more dangerous with the present Big Pine II military manoeuvres, in the course of which the number of Us soldiers stationed in Honduras 20 miles from our border has risen from 5,000 to

There they are stockpiling inorof ammunition, missiles. Units of artanks have accu mules from our borders. There are aerial manoeuvres involving highly sophisticated planes; the secret units like Task Force 160 of

Airborne Division; and naval manoeuvres in the Pacific and

These shows of force are carried out very close to our

and violation of Nicaragua's territorial tasks.

The economic, commercial, and blockade has weighed down on the backs of the Nicaraguan CST

workers. One small example is the recent blocking of the $58 million loan that the International Development Bank was to provide Nicaragua for use in basic social and infrastructural programmes benefitting Nicaraguan people.

There is overwhelming evidence of Mr. Reagan's aggressive policies: the cuts in the quotas for our main agricultural export products such meat, sugar, and bananas, which has a seriously damaging impact on Nicaraguan economy; the US refusal to accept the ruling of the International Court of Justice in the Hague; the ignoring of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 530; the pressures exerted on the governments of Costa Rica, Honduras, and Salvador not to negotiate or sign the Contadora Peace Treaty.

This administration's political and foreign policy line rests on the platform of criminal aggression by Reagan government against Nicaragua. Likewise, the Nicaraguan workers are being bled white, and the United States wants to totally destroy

as US vice president George Bush stated in Honduras, on 17 March, 1985.

Solidarity

In the face of such a difficult

•today more than ever we asking for solidarity so that Nicaragua may survive.

Therefore, we propose that trade unions take part in the following concrete tasks: 1) Organise a week of solidarity with the people of Nicaragua on 15-21 Juily, 1900. rnor to lnal week. we pIu pose that messages be sent to the L'S

Congress condemning Reagan s action and calling for US troops to leave Central America, as well as backing peace initiatives that do not intringe on the dignity of our peopies. 2) For that same week of 15-21 July, we propose that workers be urged to donate one day's wages to partially overcome the damage the war has caused us

We Nicaraguan workers are sure that we will find a high morai sense of solidarity and that our request will

with an effective response. Therefore, we repeat our thanks in advance for all the gestures brotherhood and solidarity We wish you success in carrying our these

Fraternally, Lucío Jiménez Guzmán General Secretary Sandinista Workers Federation (CST) Denis Meléndez Aguirre International Relations Secretary,

Turkey's military authorities have announced that Fikri died on Saturday, 4 May. military communique claimed he died from a beart attack. Yet, in spite of requests from his family and Amnesty International for a postmortem, authorities burial the very next day.

Sonmez, who had been detained since the military September 1980, was in the last two months put once more into soltary confinement and subjected to torture. his dealn, nke lose ol Wally Oniels who have died in the hands of the torturers is highly suspicious.

It was in the municipal elections of October 1979 that Fikri Sonmez, a tailor, was elected mayor of Fatsa, a small town on the Black Sea coast of Turkey. He was instrumental in implementing with the active support of the inhabitants of Fatsa a radical programme of civil works.

This popular movement in the tiny town of Fatsa could not be tolerated by the military, who before the coup on 13 July moved into Fatsa and dissolved the municipal council. One thousand people were arrested on that day.

the the

One prisoner who

did) is the former leader

Action Party.

Turkes. Turkes. 68.

and a half year detention.

the 'Grey Wolves' shock troops were known having violence with

Turkish socialist

dies in jail

Sonmez The

the military enforced a rapid face brutal prisons,

coup of Town

Campaign, St Helens,

Hackney, Fatsa, Torture is still widespread in Turkish jails

'Grey Wolves'

leader released

will no longer be facing the brutality in Turkey. of Turkey's jailers (if he ever

tions, ot Turkey's neo-fascist National

Alparslan is liable for capital punishment but was released in April after a four

ment

He is accused of responsibility for about 600 crimes committed by

— as his party's and stirred up pollica BM BOx the aim 3XX.

International

When the military seized power, Fatsa was again a prime target. Today 740 people are standing trial, 691 of whom are in custody, 261 are being tried with the death penalty, 416 for sentences between 5-iS years and the rest for 2-5 years. The rights of the accused to defend themselves are severely curtailed and they are having to

conditions in military subjected to torture and

councils throughout Western Europe have already passed resolanons condemnile the Fatsa trial in an international campaign for the defence of the prisoners. In Bri. tain, through the Solidarity

the councils of Barnsley, West Yorkshire County Council and the London boroughs of Camden have added their voice and Islington, Haringey international outcry

The death of Fikri Sonmez is pro of of the necessity to maintain and ex tend the campaign for the defence of political prisoners and victims military repression in Turkey

. Next to the 740 in tens more throughout Turkey face the inhuman conditions and brutal methods establishing a fascist dictatorship

In the course of his interroga-

ex-colone Turkes claimed repeatedly that with the military takeover all the objectives of his party had been achieved and that his detention could no longer be justified! While all the leaders and acitivists of the neo-fascist move.

have been released, HOTE than 20,000 leftists are still in

• For more information contact the Turkey Solidarity Campaign

5965, London WCIN

Page 9 scan of this page

International

IN THE face of the escalating political situanon in South Africa all the anti apartheid and liberation forces are seriously reassessing their strategy. A recent issue of Work in Progress, an influential organ of dialogue reflecting the views of all South Africa's extra parliamentary forces of struggle, published a broad analysis of the rethink that is now going on in various organisations.

The African National Congress (ANC) is holding its first consultative con-

since 1969 Lusaka. Although no of-

yet come out the conference the South African journalist Howard Barrell visited Lusaka and interviewed the ANC leaders.

In an editorial, Work in Progress comes to the conclusion that 'many old tormulas are losing validity and some tried and tested opposition responses have

be rethought. In volatile and fluid situation all formulas, cliches and assumed assaulengeable uths

Howard Barrell came away from Lusaka with the firm impression that it

'open season' for fresh ideas. There was a determination that there should be absolutely He found and open acoale. among the rank and file discernible excitement at the prospect of

which their voices will be heard louder than usual on several pressing issues.

While no official state-

the Lusaka conference, Barrell, on the basis of his interview with ANC leaders. says the ANC is gearing itself for examination of some key aspects. These include the role of the armed struggle. admission of whites to the

Important debate

on strategy

ANC the tactics 'popular warfare' and the principle of talks with the South African government.

By Charlie Van Gelderen

He quotes ANC sources as stating they have objection to discussions with individual members the South Ancan governmell. But not in such a way as it would be seen as negotiations. They

Classcu that there had been no talks, negotiations, contact or diplomatic exchanges between the ANC and the South African government over the past year.

Any talks had to be premised on an agreement that apartheid had to be completely dismantled and centre on the practical ways and means of constructing united, non racial country.

The dynamic growth of the black trade union movement is reflected in the demand for a closer definition of the primary position the working class and its interests. Now that the black working class forms the largest and best organised force in the black community tere ts a strong feeling for the need

vague reference "leading role of the wi

ing class as defined by the Moro Goro conterence in 1960 to a more positive stand.

One aspect of policy which clearly differentiated the ANC from the National Forum (NF) and its chief affiliate AZAPO,

the reliance which the ANC leadership still place: on pressure from "liberal" OILSUC to speed the process of dismantling of apartheid.

Over the past 24 years the ANC external mission diplomats have striven to isolate the apartheid regime internationally by

on especially the United States big business and politicians Thus recently held talks with Senator Edward Kennedy and supported his visit to South Africa.

The NF and its affiliates organised demonstrations

akallist Kennedy's visit and greeted him with placards which read 'No to imperialism', 'We will not forget your part in Vietnam' and 'Our struggle is for a Socialist Azania'

This illustrates the maJOr difterence between AZAPO and ANC AZAPO's manifesto lays down that apartheid cannot be ended without smashing the capitalist

which sustains it.

The Kennedys, of this world ther maintain will stop short by long distance from which has as it: 3i-

from the fight against capitalism to rely on the Kennedys was spurious.

The issue of Work Progress also debated the main differences between the UDF and NF would be ms cauing to coumar pos UDE and NF as 'organisational incarnations of progressive democratic versus

black consciousness political movements.' UDF officials admit that after 18 months of existence lacks clear ideological

NF's policy defines it as an anti-imperialist, antiracist anti-sexist and anticollaborationist group. is explicitly left wing and socialist in its self defining manifesto and programme. UDF is not. Opponents say UDF is explicitly ambiguous. The Western Саре branch secretary of the UDF admits that at its formation divisions were blurred.

But different opinions and perspectives are emerging. It is necessary to do battle at an ideological level to define a cleares political stand.

The issues of course will not be decided in the debating chamber or in the

of journals. A5 the liberation struggle іпtensities. the organisation will be tested in the crucible of battle. At this stage those abroad who support the struggle for liberation must give unconditional solidarity WILE organisations engaged in that struggle. It is for the black working class and its

South

16 supporters of the

tional Congress (ANC).

ternational communism'.

The accused were found at ine time but Mandela was arrested once more August 1962. In 1963 together with Walter Sisulu and other leaders of the ANC and Communist Party, his was sentenced to life imprisonment.

spent the major part of this sentence in the

There was real danger of death sentences at the time, and this was only averted as a result of widespread international protests and the fear of the

within South Africa.

The 16 accused in the present trial include leaders of the multi-racial United Democratic Front (UDF), Tumunsti and other organisations. They include the 'Durban 4', the people who sought asylum in the British consulate ir Durban when they were being threatened with arrest because of their participation in the successful campaign against the TriCamarel elections last year.

Among the better known people facing trial is Albertina Sisulu, presi-

Assemble 12-Ipm, County Hall York Rd London Rally 3pт, Trafalgar Square

* NO infest c apartheid

Stop South Africa

treason trial

THE TRIAL which has opened in South Africa of

United Democratic Front (UDF) is the largest since the massive trial of 156 people which dragged on from 1957 until March 1961. Among those on trial were Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and other leaders of the African Na-

They were charged with membership of a 'country wide conspiracy to overthrow the state by force and violence inspired by in-

dent of the UDF and wife ot the imprisoned ANC leader, Ismail Mohammed the Transvaal Anti Presidents council committee Others include Sam Kikine, Isaac Mcgobo and Thozamile Gwqeta, president the South African Allied Workers Union (SAA WU).

By Charlie Van Gelderen The accused are being charged with and support of 'a revolu tionary COLLICU by the ANC, CP and the Congress of Trade Unions. According to the the ultimate aim of the alliance was the of state power. The prosecution alleges that the insistenc on 'non violent forms of political struggle which the accused espoused was only a cover for their rea revolutionary aims.

Under South Africa's draconian laws all found guilty of high could face the death penalty and it will arouse the widest move-

NO TO APARTHEID!

Anti-Apartheid Movement

NATIONAL

DEMONSTRATION

JUNE 16th

Stop the massacres

Sanctions NOW!

Socialist Action 24 May 1985 9 ment of support for these victims of apartheid.

When the trade unionists were arrested in February, Donald Anderson, Labour Party front bench spokesperson South Africa said that this had further frustrated hopes of a dialogue ween the Botha regime and the 'extra parliamentary opposition' But the regime determined make an example of the accused in the hope that it will cower the liberal forces, it will take more than platitudinous statements their lives.

These women and men are guilty of nothing else but carrying on legitimate struggle against

and racist te repressivt regime. The only violence during the anti election campaign came from the

and the military. I police is not for any covert Or overt act of treason that they stand in the dock.

In the present climate of revolt in South Africa any political ideas coming from any section of the liberation movement can raise the consciousness of the people and inflame the situation

It Is for their politica beliefs that these people now face the possibility of prolonged prison sentences OT even death. The international labour movement cannot stand idly by and allow this to happen. i scatted

Page 10 scan of this page

Mirror

supports

right to

choose?

YOUNG WOMEN and sex is big news. It sells papers faster than a million pound bingo game at the moment. The Sunday People were 'the first to ask young women themselves, and the Daily Mirror headlines with 'Love before prettiest girls are still virgins'! So why the sudden big interest?

Don't think for

papers are taking seriously the

sexual rights. Don't think they are the slightest bit worried by the fact that since the Gillick ruling in the Appeal court women under the age of 16 can no longer get contraceptive or hardly any other medical advice without their parents consent

quite the opposite. The Ical interest It is, THE DEMANDS of the Labour Women's Action Committee once again dominate this year's Labour Women's Conference (Bournemouth International Centre June 16th-18th). Following the clean sweep for the long-standing WAC demands at last year's Conference,

imaginatively on its successes. This year three WAC

model resolutions have been adopted by a total of 15 women's organisations.

ONE CALLS for Parliament to operate a normal working day in an attempt

break down the gentleman's club atmosphere of the House of Commons, some MPs still taking the nineteenth century view of the House as an after-hours walching noje

A second WAC resolution calls on the facility for an additional woman CLP delegate agreed tional conference to be extended to trade unions. to enable trade union women to play a Dall Labour Party affairs. It is on the union side that the overwhelming male domination of Conference

Socialist Action 24 May 1985

a womans

sex - some of the

apparently, 'woman's right to chose". But no, the tabloid press not LANS ORCU itself into the champion of women's Taille tar from it. Its main concern is put In a nutshell the Mirror editorial (15.5.85) 'the right to choose be the right LIOL permissive'

While the question of sexual coercion is a rea issue for young women, not that will be

WAC plans for

Bournemouth

the committee has moved on to build

is most apparent.

But arguably the most challenging WAC resolution relates to the election of the Women's Section of Ene NEC. Following the WAC-inspired '84 Women's Conference, the '85 WAC model calls on the Nanceal Women's Committee to organise a shadow election for the Women's Section.

By Josie Edwards

(Press Officer WAC).

Nominations would be sought from all eligáble women's organisations in time for elections to take place at the '86 Women's Conference. WAC

resolved by taking away every other right we have

The Appeal Court ruling on the Gillick case is

attempt 'nonpermissiveness' _cie save yourself Mr Right comes along then gallop off into the sunset/bed/ kitchen with him!). No choice is involved here.

By Sue MacDonald

Post-Gillick life for many under-16 women will be a nightmare. It has never been easy for young

control their WOLLE lives in any way, but this ruling asserts that young believes that such an elecLIOT would shop _up lne yawning gulf between the present women and those that rank and file would wish to elect themselves

To recite again the demand that the Women's Conference elect the NEC Women's Section sound: dry, but the consequences of male domination in the Labour Party are far from academic.

The reality of Party power by middle-aged, white, con-

They very little different from the average civil servant, bank manager businessman, especially those drawn from the union side.

Like all men of this ilk, they cling desperately to the outdated stereotype of

blue collar married-man-

in both their personal politics and their decision making

Anyone who doubts

ANTI.

ABORTION

BILL

Still defending abortion rights six years after the Corrie Bill

women are the property of their 'elders and betters'. Any notion of a 'right to choose' for young women in the future will be a joke.

The Gillick ruling will not work. Women are not going to sit back and wait OUCH CALCE DICK for permission from those that supposedly know bet-

DHSS figures show that in 1983 over 17,000 under-16s attended Family Planning Clinics England and Wales, almost all of whom were already sexually active. Only one third of these had any sort of support this should see the puzzled •isDeuel greets women when they ask for what ought automatic provision that women are chosen for Party women's organiser pasto

The painful struggie with such men has hausted many a sister, and the only numbers. White men are UNUUCY privileged. However they differ on politics and personal style. they can confidently recognise wherever they see images of success and power

They can never know the alienating experience of constantly facing other, and being the out sider, the sore thumb sucking out. ine connes ion between sexual politics and feminist political reform is a profound one "ne WAC demands will pave the way for both.

This article was reprinted from the June issue of Labour Briefing.

TO CORRIE

from their parents.

The other two thirds now feel unable to make even an initial visit for fear their parents will find out.

As a result more young women will be forced into having children they don't want. More young women will go through the trauma of childbirth followed by adoption, more young women will have to have abortions and parlicularly more cacksiree abortons.

Gillick is a godsend for the backstreet profiteers If a young women is terrified of her parents finding out she wanted contraceptive advice, then she

not • going to risk them discovering Sult questing an abortion.

Gillick is no 'concerned mother', out to protect young women from being pressureised into sex. She

part of the new 'moral' right — with Thatcher at Campaign for Gay Rights took

for Lesbian and Gay Rights.

mises to be more than a cosmetic change.

The campaign found

stage of astrangle hee

stage of the struggle. profile of lesbian and gay rights has been massively boosted in the last 15 months. The work of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners, and Lesbians Against Pit Closures has created genuine and massive shifts in the attitudes of important sections of both the Labour Party and the Hauc unions

The political effects have already been demonstrated the victory over Rugby's Tory council by unprecedented alliance between a Labour group, national trade union (NALGO) and the lesbian and gay move-

the helm steering us all towards family COULL sibility and victorian values. There is no protection or defence of women

• USI all out attack on the few rights we have won.

Rulings such as this will never defend any young woman from being forced into sex by boyfriend, it will never result in closer communication between mothers and daughters

Just as the Age of Consent laws are used to

women. ruling designed lc ensure that those of us who 'step out

our sins'. It reinforces yet again the notion that what young women chose to do with our bodies can be classified as a crime. , While young men well, that's a different story.

LCGR AGM

IHE ANNUAL General Meeting of the Labour

place over the weekend 4/5 May. It was attended by 70 people and decided to change its name to the Labour Campaign

PETER PURTON argues below that this pro-

LCLGR was faced with the task of gearing itself up 1o consolidate these gains and make furIner progres ic anning a firm commitmes: from the Labour Party and the trade unions 1o equal rights policies

Vital to this has to be making LCLGR an organisation which recognises the specific oppression and demands of lesbians -campaign which takes up sexism well as heterosexismn which campaigns around the righis of lesbian mothers, for exam-

and which strives end the invisibility of les bians within the womens

News

OPPOSE THE SAF

CORRIE BILL

Gillick may have won in the Appeal Court, but she cannot reverse our expertalions

Today do expect right choose Not the Mirror's warped conception, but the right to choose a form of contraception suitable to us if we decide to have sex with men.

And if that fails, ther many will no longer resigr themselves to the respon sibility and restrictions of bringing up a child in in tolerable circumstances

At some point the Law Lords, with all their vast understanding women's lives and sexuality, will make a decision on whether to uphold reverse the Appeal Court rul The message Inst be clear - we will no. forced onto the backstreets, we will not be forced back into the home as either dutiful daughters or dutiful wives. and gay movements. There

, a vigorous and very political debate around the demands of Labour • Lesbians for such a shift in position and for positive action to give it organisational form.

The final yote was overwhelmingly in favour, and LCLGR now stands ready to face the immense challenge of creating a ge numely therefore strengthened campaigning organisation. The immediate target now

willll? debate at Labour Party conference LCLGR will be organising a forceful campaign to win support for this from all sections of labour movement around model resolution • Copies of the latest issue of LĆLGR's magazine Lesbian and Gay Socialist is available for 50p plus 13p p&p from 39 Chippenham Road Lon-

The model resolution is available from the same address.

Page 11 scan of this page

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LAST WEEKEND'S Communist Party emergency congress marked a further decisive step in the split of hat party.

confirm the expulsion of Morning Star editor Tony Chater and deputy editor David Whitfield. The apeals against expulsion, or suspension, of 40 other communist Party members similar margin.

Three other fundamenal decisions were also aken the congress. Firstly every single oppopent of the line of the pary leadership was excluded "W LIC 4 æE cecutive - a fitting comnent on the 'democratic principles', of the Eurocommunist wing of the barty.

Secondly, the openly Eurocommunist wing of the ma Today, supporting Marxism gained for the first time a clear najority on the party exacutive — - 25 votes to 20 by

calculau un. pompared to the 'centre' «wuUllE eneral secretary Gordon around party

AcLennon.

Third the congress of he party was put off for wo and a half years — un-

November sext round of the internal party struggle will be the ight for control of the Horning Star — a fight to be waged during July at ihe annual meetings of the People's Press Printing society.

The net effect of these decisions is to leave the Communist rarly more dearly than ever in the ands of a bloc betweer Marxism Today and party senelai seciclaly Gordon McLennon - with Marx-

Today acting as the political cutting edge of fic bally.

The political implicaions were spelt out by pary organiser Dave Cook in the Guardian on Saturday He decisively supported the new 'realigned left' of

David Blunkent CLONI sawyeI, David nside the Labour Party

Inland

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SociAList

ACTION

Communist Party

on verge of split

The congress voted by a two to one majority to

were rejected by a

This means sharply opposing Tony Benn, Arthur Scargill, Dennis Skinner

ind te lott ike oi ures

the ett willg Labour Party.

The result of this policy has already been spelt out not simply Marxism Today but also in party industrial organiser Peter Carter's draft pamphlet on the miners' strike which was extensively leaked to the Daily Mail.

By Dick Carter

But Marxism Today's support for Neil Kinnock's adherents will CULC N IU SULUEACIUC confusion may be created by the Morning Star wing of the party's turn to an attempted explicit alliance with Tony Benn and the left wing of the Labour Party - an alliance which Tony Chater has been trying to push through the pages of the Morning Star and trying to cement in rebuilding organisations such as the Liaison Com-

'Expulsions can't produce unity'

I enclose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for £ Send to: Socialist Action Subs, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP.

mittee for the Defence of Trade Unions.

The Labour left should have no illusions regarding the line or the Star. Its policy is based on support for bureaucratic repression eastern Europe. While today, for its own purposes, the Morning Star has a tactical line to the left of Marxism Today, if it ever suited the reCu CHe o covicu leadership it would readily daopl a poncy Just as lignl wing as its Eurocommunist rival.

Tony Benn, Ernie Roberts and others are making a major mistake in becoming associated with

manoeuvres the Morning Star.

T'he of the Labour left should have to the deepening solit in the Communist Party is quite simnle it should welcome it. It should take no side in the dispute between the two factions but explain each is as bankrupt as the other. It should appeal to all to leave the Communist Party and join the Labour Party

That is the sole road forward for the militants who are today trapped in the twin dead ends of Marxism Today and the Morning Star.

Inside: 'The alternative to the Communist Party, pages 2 & 3.

* Morning Star E5 Bread not bombs' is Laster appeal ia Special free book offer! Take out a years inland subscription and we will send you free one of these books.

Over Our Dead Bodies -Women Against the Bomb

Introductory offer for new readers:

Light issues for just £2!

Justice for the

Rhymney Two!

miners.

victims of that frustration.

shouted 'Murder",

whole trade union moyement.

protest against this verdict.

Cardiff on Saturday 25 May,

next Saturday.

Gethin Jones, Rhymney (0685) 842228, Colin

Matthew, Caerffili 886101, Mary Crofton,

Newport (0633) 215983

Cardiff demo

25 May

Rhymney villagers six mile hike.

by the NUM, and supported by

reversed.'

tion in Cardiff next Saturday. TURNER how it started and what's planned. THE campaign in support

Dean and Kussell started during the trial itself. People South Wales were wrongly advised to play it cool and not organise any public demonstrations.

On the second day of the trial I was a solitary demonstrator outside Cardiff Crown Court. By the fourth day l'a been joined by some of the Newport miners' support. committee.

As soon as the verdict was announced we decided to organise a demonstration Cardiff for this coming Saturday. There are shock waves going up and down the valleys at the verdict and sentence.

Every one has fallen in behind .the idea of a demonstration.

It will be a big scream from South Wales, scream of outrage at the trial result.

THE RECENT court verdict of murder and

sentence of life imprisonment has shocked

and appalled the mining communities of

South Wales. Those of us who were active on

picket lines during the miners' strike know

only too well the frustration of being herded

by police and prevented from talking to scab

The anger and despair buift up over nine mon-

ths of the strike made the two convicted miners

The moment that Thatcher and her cronies the 2 Rhymney boys were

marked down for life. The establishment and their

courts set them up as an example and their decision

to punish them severely is, in fact, an attack on the

, ¡hose oi us who

value our trade union rights must speak out and

We call upon the people of South Wales to join

our protest and demonstrate against the verdict in

at 10.30am in the

Hayes, next to St Davids Hall. The demonstration

will proceed via Queen St to the Welsh Office, led

by Betty Heathfield and the people of Rhymney.

We also ask you to sign our petition, distribute

it, and bring signed copies to the demonstration OUTRAGED AT the murder sentences passed by Cardiff Crown Court on Rhymney miners Dean Hancock and Russell Shankland, more than 800

gathered outside the local cenotaph last Sunday and marched to the bridge where scab taxi driver David Wilkie was killed. They stood silent for a few minutes before marching back to the village. Ignoring a barricade of police cars, they marched down the scab's street chanting: 'I'd rather be a picket than a scab', then back to the cenotaph where they peacetully dispersed atter the

The message from speakers at the impromptu demonstration was: 'tell Thatcher we've got a campaign off the ground. We demand it be made official

the TUC and Labour Party. We'll continue till the decision's

RAY DAVIES, Mid Glamorgan county councillør and steelworker at Llanwern, is organising what's expected to be a massive protest demonstra-

He told CAROL

A really grave injustice Is beel cole r • OL 113| to the two Rhymney miners, but to the whole mining community here.

DOY. murderers.

Despite the fact that the police would prefer otherwise we've oranised next week's protest to go right through Cardiff town centre where it will cause amn eo and disruption to traffic We'll be Ilai chllig Ou Llf Welsh Office to deliver a letter of protest, accusing Thatcher and her cronies of being responsible for the verdict.

When she shouted "murder' all the way from Brussels, it was obvious ing to nato et ara it court simpy :rub De amocu HC UC SIU!

Margaret Thatcher is guilty of a massive contempt

Anti Apartheid calls national

demonstration

The Anti Apartheid Movement's national committee has decided on a programme of action, ending in a national demonstration on Sunday 16 June. The theme will be an end to the police killings and a demand for the British government to act against the apartheid regime. LIAISU Petition

and sentence of the two Rhymney miners convicted at Cardiff Crown Court, call on the Court of Appeal to quash their conviction of murder and reduce their sentences.

of court.

Our march will be led by the families of the two victims and by Betty Heathfield and others who've agre We are alse to come and speak. calling on those who can't come to Cardiff to pickel the offices of the Sun al as demonstration takes We want everyone Dldue to protest the outrageous editorial, of

SUPPORT

THE

MINERS

Photo. IOHN STUPPOCK (Notuart

We the undersigned, appalled at the verdict

that paper which claned

that lads murderers

• Assemble 10.30am outside David's Centre, The Hayes, Cardiff March through Queen's Street and Pork Place to the Welsh Office Speakers include beity Heathfield, Dennis Skinand Euro-MP Ted S4C8 Rowiands Bring your banners!

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