Socialist Action No. 108, 19 July 1985
The scan: 108-jul-19-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
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NATIONAL! DEFEND THE NUM!
No. 108 19 July 1985 30p
ACTiON
KEEP
NOTTS
Keep Notts National pages 2-3 Scargill's NUM conference INSIDE: speech pages 5-7
NEXT WEEK: on the Notts breakaw Peter Heathfield
Page 2 scan of this page
Labour must campaign against Lynk
ACTiON SociAlist
Scapegoats
THE NARROW Alliance victory at Brecon and Radnor predicatably resulted in Neil Kinnock and Roy Hattersley scapegoats. Both selected Arthur Scargill for this role. They have since been joined by two Welsh MPs, Allan Rogers and Ray Powell, who have said speech on the Monday before voting had affected Labour's result. What actually happened was rather different.
The Tory vote fell by 20 per cent. Undoubtedly, the most important factor in this fall was the effect of the miners' 12 month strike. It has wiped out the 'Falklands factor', and Lawson's planned tax cutting manoeuvres, and has put the Tories back to where they were before 1982 in terms of popularity.
Brecon election was not that the Tories were able to hang onto their vote. It was that the Alliance was able to pick up more of the disaffected Tory votes than was Labour.
The Alliance vote rose by Labour's by nine per cent. The Alliance picked up five times more former Tory votes than Labour. The issues that mattered to the voters of Brecon and Radnor were those that matter to millions: unemployment and cuts in the welfare state. Labour under Kinnock has no answers to these questions. Indeed far from providing an answer, the Labour leader Scargill who has fought for jobs. voting was a clear call for a Labour government Scargill's speech to defend those who had fought the Tories to guarantee jobs in munities. Kinnock's response Scargill's speech as 'fantasy'. With an approach like that little wonder that many voters did not see Labour as a positive alternative to the Tories and turned instead to the Alliance. said, in response to Kinnock, Labour's electoral chances have been improved because of the miners' strike, not despite it.
Kinnock could learn from ment that: 'Provided we adopt policies and stand firmly by them, we have nothing to fear from the electorate.' Instead of this Kinnock is more concerned to steal the Alliance clothes. The recent statements that mass unemployment would re main under Labour, the rejection of a clear commitment to renationalisation, wage controls, away from any clear alternative to the Tories.
Media gimmickry which is what Kinnock has to offer — will not be capable of eliminating the Alliance threat at the general election. The left in the party must reject Kinnock's attempt to isolate those who do begin to put forward the necessary alternative policies not only to Thatcher but also to Owen and Steel. Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the last week of December. signed articles by contributors do not necessarily represent socianst Acon s views, Inese ale ca pressed in editorials. send all correspondence regarding subscriptions, sales and receipts to Socialist Action Distribution, PO Box 50, London NI 2XP send ali material for publication (including advertisIng • to soelalsl Acuon daltorial at the same address. We regret that due to the high cost of postage we cannot return or acknowledge unsoncitea copy or photographs unless accompanied by a stamped ad-
Socialist Action 19 July 1985
looking for
that Scargill's The problem with the
11 per cent,
concentrated on attacking
Monday before
the pits and mining com-
was to dismiss
As Scargill
Scargill's state-
and the talk of has underlined Kinnock's turn
and fudged policies
MINERS AND miners' wives loyal to the NUM want an immediate national campaign to defend the union in the Notts coalfield. Already, many of those who supported the strike are Lynk's breakaway. As Pam Oldfield secretary of Nottingham women against Pit Closures explained: It's important we get some meetings off the ground as soon as possible. There should be meetings every night, even if only two people turn up.'
The need for a national campaign clearly understood. Comparisons between the present confuSion and disorganisation and the first days of the na-
Those who stood with the NUM then want swift action to defend it now.
'We've EUL certain amount of time. We've got
get information out: leaflets, papers. The Norts Collier we've got to get that out. The Miner, it's got to be in there,' argued her husband Dave, a leading striker at Sherwood pit.
Everyone understand. what's at stake. Although Lynk's hand was forced, as Pam explains, the antiNUM forces are organised. "They've been in touch with other areas. We've just got to do the same.
Otherwise there's
NEIL KINNOCK devoted most of his speech at Saturday's Durham miners' gala to attacking Tony Benn and Arthur Scargill, and promising miners a rosy future if they stopped fighting for their jobs now and waited for
the Financial Times has alread leaked NCB plans to close 50 pits in the next two years.
But despite these attacks, Kinnock was forced
breakaway from the NUM.
The entire labour movement must now demand that such words are turned into ac tions.
Kinnock and Norman Willis could in fact destroy the Notts breakaway before
gets properly une ground. There is not the signies douol liar a mlass Labour Party-TUC campaign in the Notts coaltie d would prevent Lynk getting
anything like the l1alOney he needs in the ballot for a
breakaway even
ballot for a fake 'fusion'
with another scab union.
pressing for action to isolate nothing to say you won't get a situation where there's two men down the pit doing exactly the same job, and one's in one union and one's
By Mick Archer in the other and different rates of pay are negotiated. The Coal Board will do anything to split the miners' union.'
Thankfully in some pits things are already underway. In Warsop Wellbeck strikers organised a meeting addressed ov ka Chadburn. Two hundred miners turned up, although only 82 men stuck with the strike till the end. In Gelding, where 42 of the 1300 men stuck it
nat, all letsun has the
has drawn up.
Meanwhile women are discussing a picket of the a Labour government. This is scarcely any help when withdrawn from Don Con-
What is needed in Notts
and Willis refused to give in the miners' strike. That is a campaign of mass meetings and appeals addressed by
authoritative of the Kinnock and Willis should make personal appeals every Notts miner to stay within the NUM
Personal
These appeals should br backed up with clear and unambiguous statements that the TUC will refuse to recognise any separate Notts scab union, and that such a
NEDHE ST
area headquarters at Berry Hill which will reaffirm the
defending the NUM Both Pam Dave believe initiatives like these have come from the rank and file leadership thrown up by the strike.
Such a campaign will not be easy. Firstly, it has to aim to win all those committed
the NUM, including miners who worked during the strike. Secondly, it has to he understood that the Board will do everything to
split. Already there is talk of financial incentives for that breakaway, and letters have gone out to miners at Blidworth urging them to stick with Lynk.
Brighter
Together the Board and Lynk will do everything they can convince Notts miners that they face brighter future outside the NUM. Spencer and the coalowners peddled the same promises in the 1920s and
'30s, before attacking the pay conditions of miners then.
As Pauline Radford, a member Blidworth
union will be ineligible for
relations with the Labour Party. The Parliamentary Labour Party whip NUSU immediately
cannon and Frank Haynes who have openly supported the breakaway.
Far wider forces even than those who supported the strike can and must be involved in the campaign. The TUC for its own
cannot support reasons, breakaway. Ray Chadburn
who obstructed the tempts to bring Notts out on strike before formally supporting the struggle - has
come out publicly against the breakaway
The one thing that can obstruct the most massive
campaign TANE
breakaway is the line of Kin-
HOCK the miners
strike and the leadership of
the NUM. It is well known
that his supporters had as
women's action group, explained: "They'll offer a nice JuIcy CULO LEC BICHEUC to join the breakaway. So people are going to grab that and think tney le alright. Then in 12 months time there'll be more sack ings, more pits closing, and then they'll withdraw money. Then they'll be worse off than in the tirst place.'
Finally, there's the right Labour Partyand the TUC. wing bureaucrats Mansfield's Labour MP Don Concannon, clearly supports Lynk, and will fight for Labour Party recognition for any breakaway that occurs.
HerE again noweve miners and their wives have beeun to act. in the bid worth and Rainworth Labour Partv a resolutior was passed unanimously calling the national Labour Party not to TELOISO breakaway and for individual branches not to join it.
Sue Petney, wife of a sacked miner and active ir Blidworth women's action group, of those who joined the par
their Scargill wi within the NUM. defeat
The aim was to force Scargili to stand for election and defeat him. But this year's NUM conference democratically defeated that move and passed the decisive rule changes.
Support for the strike, and for those such as Arthur Scargill who led it was reaffirmed at NUM conference. It is precisely because they are unwilling
accept the democratic verdict of the NUN membership that Lynk and Prendergast have called for a breakaway
For once Neil Kinnock did get something perfectly right at the Durham gala, when breakaway som the NuM that
would leave miners,
cluding 'the Notts" ' miners, subject to a "powerful and
arbitary management', and
that the only people who
ty during the course of th strike will leave in disgust if
to the breakaway. But such a campaign has to be national.
Trade and Labour Party members лоно мое couons l their branches demanding LITE • TUC and the Labour Party refuse the breakaway any recognition, and public ly state that will be the case Amendments should be forwarded to Labour party conference calling for this
Branches should call on Labour movement leaders, including Kinnock and Willis, to visit Notts to campaign on behalf of NUM. Miners' committees and women's support should organise supporters to visit Notts to give practical help to the campaign
The case for the national union has to be got across. Lynk is now the main card being played in the Tory and NCB's campaign to the back of the NUM. The labour movement can't af ford to sit back and adopt a 'wait-and-see attitude. Ac tion to isolate Lynk is need. ed now.
would profit from breakawav would be the very people who are threatening the coal mining industry'.
Now Kinnock will doubtless try to pursue his campaign against the leadership of the strike and the NUM by other means — including by behind the scenes manouevering That problem will be dealt with as it arises. But the immediate demand must be for the entire weight of the labour movement to be thrown into Silashing Notts breakaway That means
with anyone who wants to and wall trom Kinnock and downwards.
Kinnock and Willis won't act, then the campaign in Notts must be based on everyoné in thě labour to th words and decas. fight the breakaway in
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Miners' wives angry
Coalville showed the way
Double
Standards
THE FOLLOWING is an excerpt from Peter Heathtield's speech to the Bridgewater Campaign Against Unemployment on 20 June.
Our demand for an amnesty for the reemployment of victimised miners has almost fallen on stony ground. The Standing Committee on employment which gave evidence with a majority of Tories on that committee came out in our favour. They declared the board had not applied the standards and yardsticks which they claimed they had applied. They had acted in a discriminatory way in different coalfields. McGregor has rejected the findings.
He has said, Mrs Thatcher has said, Tom King has said and Peter Walker has said that people guilty of violence have got to be punished. The irony of that statement is that the issue is not about violence.
I'll site you two examples to show that its not about violent miners in Kent and Scotland.
In Nottinghamshire 30 working miners have been convicted of violence against striking miners and their families. They've been fined between £25 and £300. Not one has been disciplined by the NCB not one man has been told that his job would go.
In Derbyshire, in my own coalfield, in the early part of the strike 15 miners were convicted of assault on coalboard property. In May they. were sentenced to three months imprisonment. They were not out of prison two days before the colliery manager was knocking on their door saying you can have your job back, providing you strike break.
It's not a question of violence. There's a common feature about those dismissed in Scotland that the board refused to talk to and those dismissed in Kent. The common feature is that they are died-in-the-wool, 100 per cent supporters of the NUM. That is the crime they have committed.
Very few prosecutions have actually taken place in Scotland. People have been sacked who have not been prosecuted by the police
The Kent miners who travelled underground to inspect the state of their pit were found to be in breach on the Mines and Quarries Act. They were all dismissed.
In Lee Hall in the Midlands, a father and son decided to have a sit-in to demand a ballot. The NCB sent the television cameras underground. They were in breach on the Mines and Quarries Act. They received no punishment. They were honoured.
Different standards apply to people in struggle and people defending the establishment.
Hear
Scargill
speak
Public Rally
Thursday 18 July
7.30pm Friends Meeting House, Euston
Road.
'Hear Arthur Scargill, launch the petition
and campaign to defend the sacked and
victimised miners.?
Speakers include Arthur Scargill, Jack
Collins, Martin Gould (SERTUC), Joan
Maynard.
Chair:Andrew Jacks (SERTUC). Doors open 7pm.
it.
AFTER ALL the fine words expressed by miners during the 12 month long battle against pit closures about the magnificent role of the women's support groups it came as a bitter blow that the NUM conference decided — by one vote — not to give the women's support groups status.
The successful resolution, giving honorary membership, to be awarded either by the conference or une execute. the same as the executive's
proposal Honorary membership will be given onlv to tne few, not to the many thousands of women in the suppon gwup s wau experienced political activity for the first time in their lives and became the backbone of the struggle against the coal board.
Betty Heathfield war one of the women who went to the conterence to
resolution would have given official
the Women Pit Closures Movement. 'We were very disappointed a roo women' she said. sorts of different excuses
offered the women.
*The Yorkshire area said that it wasn't phrased in the right way for them hat it was open to too wide category of associate members. The Welsh delegation tried to tell us tnal women Wales weren't in favour of
"We got the impression that it had not been discussed through in the branches, said Betty. In fact the dominant impression given to the women lobbiers was delegates were rather em-
THE COVERAGE of the historic miners' strike has necessarily concentrated on the work of the NUM itself, on the women's action groups and the support groups that sprang up all over the country. But the story would not be complete without an account of those trade unionists who gave full support to the miners, and nowhere was this more impressive than at Coalville where the railworkers stopped all movement of coal throughout the dispute.
The new Socialist Action pamphlet, written by
who were involved tells this story in detail and draws the political lessons from All those who heard Roy Butlin, or other Coalville workers, at many
rallies around the country, will
want to read what happen-
ed there, and so will every
LaDour and trade union activist who supported the
miners.
The miners who were picketing their pits
had a difficult enough job
do, but how much
harder • it was to sustain
solidarity another in-
dustry, in an area where a
of the miners
were still at work. Yet that
exactly what the
Coalville rall unions did
and the lessons they learn-
to us all.
For it was their broad
political perspective which
their solidarity
against tremendous
pressure from the Railway
Board and its manage-
at Conference vote
associate membership
barrassed by the way they
mandated to vote atter al that women nad done during the dispute.
'The general outlook seemed to be that it was rather a lot of hoo-ha about something wasn't so important and
By Valerie Coultas
that delegates were confused about what associate membership status meant. There was also very
element that said we'd done a good job in the strike but patted us on the head and suggested back into the cupboard® that we should
Linda McDermott, another of the wives on the lobby, nil back al lest arguments saying that the 'women communities had proved themselves the NUM than the scab members in Nottinghamshire • Women obviously felt that they had given a lot to this strike and deserved associate membership in return.
'Associate membership includes voting rights for women, no right to attend meetings, explains Betty Heathfield. 'It would simply mean • tha we could go as visitors and observers to national conference, have joint educationa schools. and we've already got our office the NUM headquarters ir Sheffield.' ment. Indeed BR went to the lengths of trying to
establish that one of the striking signalmen was
mentally unbalanced and suspended him those grounds.
The real importance of this pamphlet lies in the way in which the political
lessons are brought out -
By Tony Benn
including the impact of the
opposition to
that came from inside the labour movement.
If only the Notts
miners had stayed loyal...
only NACODS had
acted on their huge ballot
general
council had followed the
decisions of conpress... if
only the whole parliamen-
tary party had been on the
picket lines every week..
then the strike might have
ended in victory!
But there is a pointin
looking
scapegoats, for what really
Photo from 'Unfinished Business', by Phil McHugh available at £3 from Acorn Press, 240 Water Street, Accrington, Lancashire BBS 6QP
The women feel that it was short sighted of the delegates to vote the way they • did because associate membership have meant that if the women were needed again battles coming up with the Coal Board they would be there in an organised way
They are not daunted
all by the decision however. Rather Betty approaches it as a spur to organise.
"The women understand why it's important to have this recognition of
We want to see joint schools, joint discus-
matters is that even without this backing it was possible for workers take the power of decision into their own hands where they actually work ed, and do it themselves. And that is exactly what the Coalville workers did, not waiting for anyone's permission 10 and take action, doing so in the full knowledge that they might very well be on their own.
Now, as ine government tries to carry through its mopping up operations against other groups workers in the aftermath of the strike - attacking teachers, health service workers, steel workers and the Fleet Street unions too
will have to stand and fight. where they are, ОГ we shall be picked off one by one. Nor should we deceive ourselves into thinking that if we do so we are necessarily weak as pared to the powers of the establishment.
For that frightened huddle of top people who are now crowding into the
politics Tory SDP, , Liberais
those who agree with them the political spectrum are only doing so because they
sion with the men in the union about the whole spectrum of women's pro blems in society,' " she said.
enlarged for the igustin shereed ference is being City Hall with room fol 2,000 people. Draft pro posals have been drawn up
the permanent organisations of the Women Against Pit Closures Movement. "Honorary membership is no good because you can't have thousands of honorary members,' plains Betty, 'We want to encourage all those women
believe that the Labour and socialist movement in Britain strong They would never be doing so if they really thought that we were as weak as they pretend they are.
N.U-E HANDS OFF RAIL MORKSHO
PO Box 50, London N1 2XP.
News
to join us who didn't get involved during the strike.
The composition of the Women's support groups will also be under discussion at this upcoming conference. At the moment 75 are miners dependents and 25 per cent not Some women want to throw the groups open to all women. Others want it to remain mainly miners wives.
But all the women want the movement to remain broad based to keep the links that were made during the strike. Fees and discussed constitution Wil be conference as well as the crucial question of building support for the sacked and imprisoned
The women know that they were and still are part closures It is many ot the of the battle against
tat have laken the ins
that have taken itiative in campaigning for an amnesty now that the strike is finished, despite the dreadful hardship that their COnmunities because the debLULS claim what was not paid nave moved in
during the strike The women are going to organise and win this battle and the left in the NUM must give them packing to ensure that th next NUN conference reverses this decision.
As Marsha Marshall from Dartford Main explained: 'We are not threat to (the men) or the union, but we played a big part in the strike and it was about our future as well as theirs.
Everyone who takes a stand adds to that strength and helps to build the majority support that we need to get rid of our oppressors and lay the foundation for Socialism In Our Time.
RAILWORKERS
AND MINERS
during the 1940 Cinera SOTGRAV Socialist Action supporters in rail have produced a pamphlet called 'Railworkers and Miners', the story of Coalville during the 1984/5 miners' strike. It costs 50 pence per copy and is available from Socialist Action,
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Surplus Value
photo. CM COOKSON
CONFERENCE meets this year following the longest, most bitter and possibly most savage national strike ever seen anywhere in the world. We meet not in the aftermath but still in the midst of a historic and heroic struggle waged by this union and mining communities against the most reactionary coal industry ment seen since the 1920s and 30s — a struggle in which we have had to face the combined weight of the most reactionary and destructive government Britain known in over a century.
We have come through a strike which has changed the British history: a conflict of tremendous significance which has resounded around the world — a conflict which has transformed the lives of those who stood and tought against the National Coal Board's disastrous pit closure programme — a conflict which has inspired workers in this and other countries to defend the right to work.
The National Union Mineworkers has challenged the very heart of the capitalist system. have refused to accept that any industry inside capitalist society whether public or private sectors — has the right to destroy the livelihood of men and women at the stroke of an accountant's pen. Our challenge has been met with savagery precedented in any time of union history.
The pit closure programme announced by the Board on 6 March 1984, was a deliberate action, designed to provoke our union into either taking strike action or backing down in the face of Coal Board policy. Backing down, some delegates in this room may recall, as the union did a number years ago. November 1983 the union had ben operating a highly successful overtime For Coal, winning support both in ban, building an effective 'Campaign mining areas and in the wider community. The NUM was taking the arguments for saving pits and jobs to our members and their families in a. way which never been before,
Faced with this. unity of action, the Coal Board began a new tactic, using closure announcements to cut across and violate all our industry's
ARTHUR SCARGILL's presidential speech to this year's NUM confecence drew an entire balance sheet of the 12 mouths strike and replied to critics af the miners leadership. Socialist Action prints the speech in full.
choice.
Board's
Hilalake' position we knew to be right.
has
course of LONE
Experience
Now, four
was accomplished,
of
We next stage of our fight.
right that
trace this week would have been ternational capital.
Since Thatcherism astronomic.
government — a weak, collaborationist,
established procedures. As they contempuously announced 25 pit closures — five of them immediately — with a loss of over 25,000 jobs we knew in our hearts that our union had no real
We could either accept the proposals in the certain knowledge that they were only the start of a massive closure programme
or we could take strike action, and fight with dignity and pride for the
To the eternal credit of this union, we took strike action. Let me say, unequivocally, that in defending our policies, our jobs, communities and industries, we had no alternative and history will vindicate our posi-
months after our tion return to work, it is essential to look back over the first crucial phase of our fight for the future, examine what
and determined where our union and its members go from here. It is vital that the union analyses the events of 1984-85 in order
and to utilise the experience in the
The Coal Board's pit closures programme for 1984-85 was not carried out. It was not carried out because the miners tooks strike action! And I feel
we should remined ourselves, that had it not been for the action of this union, our conference
taking place with 25 pits that are still open, already having been closed. It was the
ing communities which delivered the worst blow ever dealt to the Thatcher government, and created a crisis in in-
The cost of the miners' strike to
has been truly In their crusade against the NUM and trade unionism, this
robbed Britain's taxpayers of £8 billion (more than eight
times the cost of the Falklands War), Photo: MARK SAI MON
as they sought desperately to defeat the miners and destrov the vationa Union of Mineworkers: History will record this was a colossal act of vandalism by a monetarist Tory government which in order to survive requires a high pool of unemployment
For nonexistent trade union movement - and
laws which remove the democratic rights won by our people in over two centuries of struggle.
* The attack on our union was the culmination of five years in which the Thatcher government had successively introduced anti-trade union legislation while raising unemployment to four-and-a-half million through the use of the media had implanted minds unionists the idea that they could not
Many struggle against this new authoritarian government.
appoint MacGregor as chairman of the tional Coal Board was evidence of the Tories' growing confidence with their success against the NGA and the elimination of trade unionism at GCHQ, they were showing their increased contempt for the TUC and its affiliated unions. Ian MacGregor was appointed chairman in order that free market criteria could be applied to the mining industry, following exactly the line pursued by the Tory government in olner nanonanseu maustries. brief was to carry through a policy of pit closures as the first step towards a restructured mining industry, ripe for privatisation - a strategy which the Tories also believed would see Britain's most powerful union rendered impotent.
Trade unionism and nationalisa-
totally abhorrent MacGregor. His union-busting record in the United States speaks for itself, and it was because of that record that he was brought over to Britain (to the eternal shame of the last Labour government), first British Leyland and then to British Steel, before being instructed to butcher British coal.
His attitude not only trade unions but parliament itself has Deen demonstrated within fortnight - first by his disdainful dismissal of the Conservativedominated Employment Select Com-
we can
mittee's report, which recommended that the Coal Board review its position relation to
recommendation which if it had been; implemented would result in over 80 per Coll of those reinstated, and the union could have and concentrated
ment for trade dismissed
were sacked, and since the end of the strike, still more have been dismissed. lan To date. over Na- reinstated. This is an attack upon this
movement and union that smacks of and the 1920s and '30s. The management
and government are determined to try and dismiss from inis industry ine most active elements, militant sections of the trade union movement. Crime
His
jailed whilst policy, taking action to save pits and jobs. I say without equivocation, they are political prisoners, and this movement must regard them as such, and should support them during carcerated by this government. Their only crime was fighting for the right to work, and an amnesty for them, as well as reinstatement for all who have been sacked must be amongst this union's first priorities. lan MacGregor's contempt this country
to within па:
demonstrated by
reached last autumn with NACODS, towards which incorporated a new modified
Colliery Review Procedure. You will the last recall that this procedure was describ-
Led by Ian Walker, by Margaret Thatcher, as being "sacrosanct'
Socialist Action
Together
win
those miners the strike
sacked being
on winning the rest of those miners
During the strike, over 900 miners
600 have not been
and the most the British
Over 50 of our members have been TOT
Cal vile
ning
them the period while in-
NiCeste destroyed
for have and those who work also just been the Board's total of the agreement miners'
MacGregor, by Peter
19 July 1985 5
It has now been proved the shan we said it was at the time. And I hope that those with the vitriolic pens wil remember the words, they wrote las Noverhff→ When they urged that thi union accept the so-called NACODS deal. Some went so far as to say tha the union was snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. What we said ther is now being proved correct. The dea was a sham, and the only thing thai miners, in whatever union of this in. dustry should have done, and shoul continue to do, is to fight the Coa Board's policy and keep pits open.
Ironically, judge lan MacGregor's stewardship of the coal industry even on the basis of his own market forces criteria, he stands ac cused of total incompetence and of crimes against Britain's economy and
people. During the years since his appointment, he na cost Britain's taxpayers of this nation over £90 million per week. He is, by
standards, an unmitigated disaster, and if ever there was a case
redundancy, he represents th perfect candidate - the quicker he goes, the better for all concerned
The NUM argued from the begin that Ian MacGregor should never have been appointed. His entire performance during and since the eno of the dispute bears witness to this belief. Under his direction, local and area management of the Board have embarked on a vendetta of draconiar
which have deliberately long-established customs and practice within our industry. We
seen industrial relation: dismantled as Board managemen! takes on an increasingly hard line against our members.
There is no denying that th
strike could have been brought to a swift and successful con clusion within a very short space of time but for a number of importan factors which had a major effect or the attitude of both the Coal Board and the government.
Page 6 scan of this page
Sarialist Action 19 July 1985
Together
we can
win
Conference will recall following our special delegate conference on the 19 April 1984, which reaffirmed democratic decision to endorse strike action in accordance with Rule 41, the i union's call on all areas to support the dispute not followed tinghamshire, South Derbyshire Leicestershire. We are now analysing what should have taken place in various
We're analysing those things to point out that if those steps had been taken, the strike would have drawn to a swift conclusion, and let this Checce examine those facts in a sober and detailed fashion.
In refusing to respond to a call from the vast majority of their colleagues already on strike, and — more impor-
- by refusing to respect picket lines, those who continued to work producing coal provided a life-line to the Tory government as it waged class war against the NUM. There have been
comment, from critics, and even some colleagues, that had we held an individual ballot vote the outcome of our dispute would have been different. That argument has three basic flaws.
First, fails to recognise miners in 1984 were taking exactly the same kind of action that they had taken in 1981. Recall the action of 1981 was unorcial sunke action, supported by Notts, South Derbyshire and Leicestershire vote. If that had been done on this occasion the outcome in the early weeks of the dispute would have transformed the situation.
Secondly, it fails to recognise, by the time of our conference on 19 April nearly 80 per cent of our members were already on strike. history of this union have you held a ballot vote of members already decided with their feet to take action against the Coal Board decision to try and destroy their jobs and their communities. And thirdly, the argument also fails to recognise, viently forgets, that on a previous occasion areas, including those three areas
Notts, South Derbyshire Leicestershire — refused to accept the democratic decision of our membership
as determined in an individual ballot
vote, and proceeded to negotiate with the National Coal Board an incentive
scheme that has led this union into divi-
sions and split.
There have also been suggestions (again, from critics, cynics, even some
our colleagues) that traditional, picket-line militancy is dead. Nothing could be further from the truth, and accurate historical analysis will prove that point beyond doubt. Colleagues, it was not a failure of mass picketing, but a failure to mass picket that represented a
in many sections
union, and other trade unions, and we
must lear the lessons of what took
place in 1984-85.
For the sake of the record, and in
order that the academics, and intellec-
tals, and BISCOES
should not be too confused, let me too
ampare what took place in Saitley i
972, and Orgreave in 1984. The mas
ting of Orgreaye, like Sattley in
the
by Not-
For
been
suggesting
that
and had been
ballot Ana never in the
who have
For con-
and actually halting its June,
on 18 June.
tactics
Orgreave, WIch
Evolved
throughout the Yorkshire, and our members.
of the media,
they,
to which I refer.
ARTHURS
ANGELS
1972, proved so effective that contrary to popular belief, it led to British Steel
operations on 18 1984. But unlike Saltley, where picketing was stepped up and involved the whole of the labour movement of Birmingham, the picketing at Orgreave was scaled down following the success
I have consistently argued that the
which brought us victory at Saltley should have been employed at
with increased picketing we would inevitably have in-
The trade union and fabol
lovement not only in Sheffiel but 1974,
whole of South and brought the flow of coke from Orgreave to a complete halt
We are involved in a class war, and any attempt to deny that flies in the face of reality. Don't believe me, listen to what Margaret Thatcher, and Peter Walker keep saying about this union
Just look at the attack of the establishment on the National Union of Mineworkers, and
eloquently than I, demonstrate the nature of the class wat
Confronted by our enemy's mobilisation, we are entitled,
COAL
NOT
SOLE
Idea GLC indeed obliged, to call upon our class for massive support. In any future industrial action any union cluding ours — this must be done.
Fourthly it is a fact that must be fac ed the NUM did not receive the level of support we needed and were entitled to expect from our colleagues in the wider movements. In spite of pleas from this union, the leaders of the power workers refused to give us the basic support they gave in 1974 - - a measure of support again, I should add for the record, was not present in 1972 (contrary to any statements made by media experts). In
by operating basic guidelines determined by the Trades Union Congress in September power workers stopped the flow of coal into British power stations.
I try never to personalise, but I want to make one thing clear, if the leaders of the power station workers in the EETPU had been less concerned in inviting Tebbitt to open one of their centres and more concerned to call upon their members to support the miners, they would have represented real trade unionism. acquiescing in the conversion of coal-fired power stations to
oil, power station workers made it impossible for us to really mount an effective campaign. workers had simply guidelines the oil burn would not have increased from 5 to 40 per cent. And they could have prevented, simply by following guidelines that they had in 1974.
Fifthly, the abject refusal by leaders of the ISTC to mobilise and coordinate the same degree of support for the NUM that we gave to steel workers in 1980 not only betrayed every tenet of the Triple Alliance, but actually forced and provoked the battles of Orgreave, Ravenscraig and Llanwern.
The British Steel Corporation has admitted that without the cooperatior of the steel unions they could not have kept going, and the Coal Board would thus have been put pressure to negotiate with the NUM. But any address of this kind would be hollow, and would fail to take into account all the factors to which I have previously referred, if we also did not say at this stage, that in spite of all that's taken place, if steelworkers or any other workers face attack, union will adopt a principled position of supporting workets in struggle.
The government's transport operation, the lines of the Ridley Plan, to convey coal, coke and iron ore to power stations and steel works only proved effective because the power and steel unions failed to respect picket lines and stop deliveries.
I think that we should pay tribute, at the same time as pointing to a weakness, to the magnificent support we obtained from the National Union of Railwaymen, from the National Union of Seamen, and SCCLIVIS General Workers Union. Their support was not only an inspiration, it was an example to other unions of what trade union solidarity is all about.
Sham
Last October, NACODS, committed themselves to a united fight with the NUM on pit closures, suddenly
capitulated to the Boards during talks
Photo: GM COOKSON at the conciliation service ACAS, and
accepted
was a deal that amounted to deception.
This NACODS-NCB described as "sacrosanct' by both the
Board and government, was praised to
the skies by pundits and politicians who
criticised the NUM for refusing to ac-
cept it. The agreement — which we said
was worthless
troduce into the colliery review
cedure an independent appeals body, acceptable to unions and to the Board
which would review any dispute about
the future of a colliery or unit after all
other procedures had been exhausted.
Four months after the end of the strike, the Coal Board violated this
and has announced instead that it will
appoint on its own, unilaterally one in-
spector. They're going to appoint an in-
dependent inspector. The NUM warn-
ed that the agreement was a sham, and
we are proving it as each day passes. We
suggested that if they wanted an in1974 dependent review body, what better ap
peal body than the National Reference
Tribunal.
Lord Denning, the Master of the Rolls,
not an old friend of the NUM. We were
prepared accept
Reference Tribunal as the independent
review body, but lan MacGregor and
the
don't want an agreement. They want to
continue to pursue their own policy of
trying to destroy this industry:
way that they destroyed the British stec
f the power Statiol
operated the
SULICES.
against the NUM.
partially
general council's
under intense receiver for
the
this vive. union massive mounted from ASLEF, and
of the Transport and
having
what everyone now knows
was supposed to inprO leadership
Tory
has openly
"sacrosanct' agreement.
Hijack
Do you know who appointed it?
the National operations
wanted none of it. They
million. in the sacked,
industry, and in the way that they decimated the British car industry at BL There is also the failure of the TUC to translate into positive action decisions taken at the 1984 congress. And it was this, according to well-informer
that led the Coal Board to a change of attitude, and they saw it as a green light to intensify their attacks
Had the guidelines supporting the NUM adopted by congress been even
implemented, the pressure upon the Coal Board and the government would have been intense, and a negotiated settlement inevitable
There can be no excuse for the TUC
rerusal lo providt desperately needed financial assistance to this union following sequestration and receivership. The appointment of a
trade union precedented, and is associated with the new Tory legislation - - and yet, eight months after receivership was imposed
NUM, the £400,000 fund established in a blaze of glory by the TUC at the 1982 Wembley conference remains intact — while we fight to sur-
They should recognise that this been hijacked and they should give financial support to this
During the strike, the Labour Party allowed itself to be preoccuppied with allegations of 'violence', scripted daily by the media - when they should have been attacking the
government for its violence against our industry, and defending our members in the same way as Thatchel defended her riot squad in blue. That should have been the pre-occupation of the party right the way throughout our industrial dispute.
Of course the High Court decision
last autumn to fine the NUM, and then
place an order of sequestration upon us
failed to stop the union functioning
Further legal moves then resulted in the
High Court sacking the three NUM
trustees and appointing a. receiver,
whose purpose was to bring the union's
administration to a standstill by hijacking our funds.
As a result of his appointment, our funds have now been depleted by fl
Those funds would still be in.
tact had the union's trustees not been
and the trusteeship placed in
Page 7 scan of this page
the hands of the receiver who is supposjed to be looking after the assets of the NUM. I think it imperative to make the point that the receivership of this union marks a very dangerous precedent for other trade unions. It means that the unions in Britain todav can in fact be seized literally overnight, and the whole movement has understand they've got an obligation to fight back against the appointment of a receiver in this, or indeed any other trade union.
Whilst we're analysing the dispute, we've also got to analyse the role of the media, if for no orter reason, they've been analysing us. Throughout
year, and longer, the media has played a role which Goebbels would have been proud of. broadcasting have smeared and lied about our union, its leadership and its members. It's no good just blaming •TUDLICLUS and Journalists - many of them here today whom will say privately that they 'support' the miners have Themselves to be used to attack us every day at every turn, as we fight to protect and sustain our industry. But in hurling weapon after weapon at the NUM, our enemies have revealed more than their natred of us — they have revealed their
Their viclousness springs from the knowledge that the heart of heir own class-ridden system is under attack.
Finally whilst analysing the dispute, et me say I believe the proposal for a return to work without an agreement as d fundamental mistake events have shown that this was not the best course of action However, let no one in this conference ar outside talk to me about defeat or setbacks. Those who since the end of the laye pontificated aegative and destructive fashion fail uterly to understand the nature of what ctually took place.
This union must not turn inwards in an orgy of self-criticism. tand confident and proud of what we have achieved, proclaiming the positive
spects of the dispute, and the most important victory itself. Let's not forget that without that ¿struggle the pits would have been closled, and I submit that we had no alternative but to stand and fight. And indeed in future we will have no altersative again.
Within our union and our commitRees, the strike brought forth revolusionary changes: I never tire of paying
my bibule to yuulig that our pits and jobs.
Women
than
capitalist
Press and
editors.
when I say that nothing
allowed
organised and paign. men Someone Stashe
SUr
La united fight
fieht to save Dis,
and
adopt. decimation of the green light #HELC OUr
will slaughter our industry, area will be exempt from gramme of attack.
We should
the struggle
TUC
and for our jobs.
The case to munities and mining NU i
'CLOSURES
miners, whose courage and determination throughout the 12 months battle remain an inspiration to us all. Our union must continue to fuly involve them at all levels, to provide education, and to tap their tremendous energy and skills to the full, for the use of this union in the fight to save
I also take this opportunity, yet again, to pay my tribute to the magnificent force which has emerged to take its rightful place alongside the NUM I'm referring to the magnificent women's support groups. No words of mine can pay adequate tribute to their historic contribution to our common struggle. I peneve I spcak on Delal 01 Ichael McGahey and Peter Heathfield as well
gives me greater pride than my assocation with the Women Against Pit Closures campaign, and those brilliant women who
supported that camThere is absolutely no doubt that their collective strength is crucial to the fight that still lies ahead of us.
What of the future? For the NUM, the tasks ahead present the greatest
Class
photo: MARK SAI
challenge any trade union has ever faced. We must build from this conference
united on policies and on principles. We must intensify the
jobs win munities, knowing that in the present climate only industrial action can save the pit closure programme and the
our mining communities. If we don't involve ourselves with other unions in this industry, if we don't take decisions this week that will
then we are showing to the Coal Board to come forward with a programme that
and no that pro-
Ve must demand, indeed we have : right to demand, from the rest of th movement - and in particular from the leadership of the Labour Party and
— a firm commitment in our action, in our fight for the coal industry
protect our com- have families is irrefutable — but never forget that it is inextricable from the economic case for coal, and it is on our economic case for coal and our economic case against pit
closures that we urge the Labour Party and TUC to campaign in parliament and throughout the nation.
The brilliant economic case against pit closures produced by Andrew Glyn of Oxford University shows that the cost to Britain's taxpayers of closing a pit is almost double that of keeping it open, employing workers and producing valuable coal. We're involved in a fight for Britain's future, and the extent to which we succeed or fail fundamentally affects other workers and the nation's destiny.
The rail and steel industries, now under increasing attack and must learn the lessons of the last 12 months, and understand that the surest way to save British steel and the railwavs 1s tc take combined action - and not leave trade union colleagues isolated when facing a concerted attack by the ruling
But ours is not just a defensive fight. Our generation of trade unionists has a responsibility to make the dreams of the Socialist pioneers a reality fighting to save our nationalised industries and our public services, must win for them and for the Britis people the democracy, accountabilit efficiency and profitability they ha been during the past 40 years.
Amnesty
Looking ahead, one immediate tast faces Us and the movement building the campaign to release dI members, jailed as political prisoners fighting against pit closures.
reinstatement work members sacked during and since the end of the strike. This task is as crucial to the union as the fight to save the mdustry itselt. We must make clear that the next Labour government should first of all take decisions to free from jail those miners who have been imprisoned, to reinstate any miners who remain victimised.
I submit that the government must then address itself to the National Coal Board. It is no longer enough to merely call for the dismissal of lan McGregor, although the NUM that The next laustr gone ment
The next must remove all senio or Coal Board personnel, and all area and local managers
who last no yelys in the ed drate
last two years destruction of our industry, but who
also viciously attacked members and sought to humiliate them since the end of the strike. They've no part of this industry
The point I think must be made, it's certainly not a departure from
previous commitment that I've had. I firmly believe that the NUM must then be invited to share in the responsibility of running the National Coal Board as it should be run — of the people, by the people and for the people. The Board must be accountable to those who work within our industry, and the chairman should be the nominee of the unions. Only in this way can the great wrongs of the past five years be righted, and our industry expanded line with the 1974 Plan For Coal.
are
Peace
make the broad alliances necessary to create the conditions for the swiftest possible return ment one which march towards full employment, while campaigning for peace, all nuclear bases from Britain, and for economic justice throughout the world
the past two years, this union will continue to participate in plans for a new miners organisation, East and West ideological differences separated us for far too long, ripping away the barriers that have been artificially erected by National Union indeed the trade union movement in general.
within Europe, the threat to other coal We must industries, as we watch the horrors of tor ouI incessant warfare in the Lebanon, or
watch while thousands die of hunger in the Third World, we cannot forget that our own struggle is connected those of workers everywhere.
As we see the nuclear madness of the ever-increasing arms race, we must
Labour
ple discovered the real meaning of th
our But
(carefully nurtured by our enemies in the Coal splits and divisions in our great unior — divisions which would inevitably afany fect our ability to fight effectively
should membership. and developed in those
It follows therefore that we must
on of a Labour governwill mobilise
the removal of
Despite the struggles and turmoil of
incorporating the struggle by and bridging the Michael which have
what those outside the of Mineworkers and
As we look at rising unemployment
with
paign
mination,
every also indications Board and government) of
Socialist Action 19 July 1985 against pit closures, to save jobs or indeed to represent as powerfully as we
CHALETES entire
At a time when the industry is under attack from the most ruthless government seen in our lifetime, it would be a disaster for every member of this unior if any breakaway were to take place But, as history shows all too clearly, it would be most disastrous of all fo
themselves formed such breakaway. I call in this presidential address in 1985 on all sections of our union to take strength from the lessons of 1984-85, and from the fact that we are all part of a national union.
I pledge for my part to accept the decisions of conference whether it be
policy or rules and to work wholeheartedly for them. No matter what my personal view, I will fight for the policies you decide, and I believe that all areas of the union should give the same commitment.
That is my responsibility as presi dent and I carry it proudly.
I would like to express my deep appreciation of the unfailing solidarity and comradeship shared throughout
my two colleagues McGahey and Peter Heathfield. Yes Michael, the troika' has remained united, and irrespective Heathfield, Scargil and MeGahey will media continue to fight a united battle on behalf of this national union
Our union's contribution to history and to humanity is in itself a triumph -let our great strike be the beginning of the fight not only to save jobs and pits but to strengthen our union, and help create the conditions for electing Labour government pledged to fulfill the aims and principles upon which the NUM was founded.
Colleagues when we go from this hall at the end of this week, leave with confidence and pride. Lift your eyes and go into the coalfields and cam
Recognise th achievement of the 1984-85 dispute. You have writte history. Let their be no doubt about only way an am is and i o - that the is to fight yet again with the same deter
mina pride that baou cous aggether in
single
oalfiela, dedicate ourselves to the ta
of carrying out the policy decisions ‹ this conference. As president, I pledg myself to that task. I ask conference tr equally pledge itself to the task as well Together we cannot fail.
Page 8 scan of this page
The struggle of the FSLN
8 Socialist Action 19 July 1985
THIS WEEK sees, on 19 July, the sixth anniversary Nicaraguan 1983 one of the key leaders of the Sandinistas, Tomas delivered a speech assessing the Nicaraguan revolution and historic contributions made to it by Sandino, before his assasination in 1934 and the founder of the FSLN, Carlos before his murder by the dictatorship in 1976.
The editing of the speech is by Socialist Action.
WE HAVE agreed to make some comments on the history of the Sandinista front. They will at least serve as a basis for us to reflect more ceriousiv and tinalv to make some notes toward a modest contribution
the glorious history organisation.
Due to the death of Sandino and domination bv a brutal instrument of
4a truce. repression, the period trom 1956 was to be a dark and sad interlude. The practical expression of this was a downturn in the revolutionary movement. The people went on struggling stubbornly, but they were weak alla whuernourished terms of ideology and organisation.
The Sandinista National Liberation Front was founded in July 1961. This historic signified people's alternative, as opposed to the bourgeois reformist alternative, in the struggle against somocismo.
We could hay the thought can be summed up in two great ideas retrieved by ronseca: only the workers peasants are capable of struggling to
local political representatives. this notion, grasped above all the class character of the revolutionary movement, class struggle as the motor of history.
Besides pointing to and peasants as the fundamental subjects of this struggle, Sandino also grasped the form the popular revolutionary movement in Nicaragua had to take. In the economic, social, and political conditions of Nicaragua, the armed struggle was the only road that could lead to the transtormation of society.
The Cuban revolution, as Carlos Fonseca observed, had an impact on Nicaragua even before its victorious culmination. Fidel was for resurrection of Sandino. the answer co our reservanuns, the justification of the dreams and heresies of some hours before.'
Popular
never demonstrated openly against SOMOCALS The pointed up the congenital helplessness of the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie, more precisely, the absence of a national bourgeoisie able leadership of the movement.
The armed struggle was initiated with the Coco River and Bocay guerrilla front in 1963. The Coco River and Bocay experience constituted a defeat not precisely from the military standpoint, since the main problems did not arise from armed engagements but rather absence of the minimal conditions on the ground necessary for the guerrillas' survival.
The vanguard turned the military defeat of 1963 into a source of lessons. The correction of its errors had allowed it to survive ala bul together a clandestine apparatus in the cities.
The military defeat of 1963 coinrided with, and contributed to, a tem-
downturi tonnese movemen. economic upswing ¡somocismo's best period in that sense). The most i: namic sectors of the bourgeoisie took full advantage of this. They were able to combine their agro export and commercial interests with the new phara of industrialisa-
spurred by the government's economic policy,
the
In May
Borge,
the
Fonesca,
of our
instrument of
1934 to
the called Alliance tor Progress.
Sandino's
Cuban revolution. alliance received Carlos and ing the facade its With dictatorship.
dublicivi
the vanguard the
the workers
Zelaya. While
revolutionary
the mountains. Combat us ine make before the but also
ferment
For,
assume anti-somocista water, electricity,
and so on, making these themselves.
from the must organise
was ended on
Maria Castillo.
demands
struggle antiA period of unaelway
ractionaries. rganised sort of FSLN, distributed in the
UME-CMES
Imperialism's new development strategy for Latin America, the so-
which some of you may not even recall, was Kennedy's political response to the
This famous great deal of sion of publicity, and it had an effect in alter-
of many Latin American countries. In Nicaragua, it gave a certain cover to the somocisia
In the Pancasán Campaign (1967)
suffered military deteat ... but... the Nicaraguan people became conscious that only armed struggle could defeat the somocista dictatorship. After Pancasán the Sandinista front again took up the guerrilla struggle by establishing a front in
Matagalpa and there was certain reassessment in our ranks, the idea of guerrilla combat was not abandoned. We began to prepare the conditions in
history,
Certai
Masaya, gie, result would
services,
ends
'Free
the taking
27 1974, end
of FSLN
continued but
Not an
labour une militants commentary in the after
REAGAN !!!
* TE
VAS
CAER
work. The blows of the dictatorship turned this division of labour into the isolation of the various elements one from the other. Various perceptions of reality emerged, based on different experiences, conditioned by this divi-
labour and their isolation. This led, along with other factors, to the formation of three tendencies in-
non rront.
Tendencies
It is necessary to analyse this experience. We think that isolation is one of the factors that contributed to the formation of those tendencies. The existence of tendencies does not harm the image of the revolution. The great thing about this revolution is that we have been able to unite despite the tendencies. We have provided the peoples of Latin America with the example of what maturity means among Nicaraguan revolutonaries. the great thing, the important thing, about our experiences. To emphasise that greatness, we have to say that we were divided at a certain point in our
enough to unite.
Only those who are ignorant of the fact that the movement of history unfolds through contradictions, only those who do not grasp the fact that a political organisation is nothing more than an instrument in the class strug-
could have concluded that as a of the tendencies dissolve into factions would disperse the popular struggles in isolated actions without any major impact on the dictatorship. n tact. the three tendencies continued uphold the name of the Sandinista front. The people always recognised but a single Sandinista front, and all the companeros know that fighters from the three tendencies all shouted
homeland death!' fought in the same trenches and shed their blood together. So why should it be strange that we united? Unity on a higher level was required in order to synthesise the different experiences
The first stone was laid toward this
with the continuation of popular movement.
The relative downturn that affected the vanguard on the military level after 1974 was brought to an end in October 1977 with a Sandinista offensive that began with the seizure of the San Carlos barracks and continued with the taking of the village of Mozonte, the attack on the main barracks in Masaya, and the seizure of the San Fernando barracks.
October 1977 was the result of a shift to an offensive mode of operations in the armed struggle at a moment when the crisis of somocismo was becoming acute. This crisis began
the earthquake deepened after 1974.
The Somozas' corruption, while it had its worst effects on the masses, also harmed the interests of the small and middle bourgeoisie. broadening the base of opposition to the dictatorship. To this must be add. ed the fact that the big-business sectors themselves began to lose confidence in Somoza's abilities. Somoza came to be an obstacle to capitalist development, and even to the prevention of the bourgeois Nicaragua
The bourgeoisie really have a party of their own. The Liberal Party belonged to the Somozas and upheld the interests of an oligarchy that was highly centralised around a single family. The Conservative Party was the party of the landowners, rather anachronistic modern party of the bourgeoisie had appeared in this country. The MDN was born at the moment when the bourgeois regime was in total agony - it did not even manage to be premature infant. In the end it could only survive artificially umbilical cord that tied it to imperalism.
Faced with the acute crisis of the Somoza dictatorship and reaction manoeuvered to provide the regime with a way out. With this end in view, they sought to make certain adjustments in system without touching in anv war the system's fundamental bases: its economic might Guard. Somoza was forced to lift the front state of siege and martial law and to call municipal elections. and measures, prove lls public opinion and play along with to the imperialists' manoeuvers.
Error
The FSLN's October 1977 offenThey sive was historic because disrupted plans, strengthened the vanguard's hegemony among the fortified All this led the somocistas to commit
of their gravest the murdered Pedro Joaquin Chamorro (on 10 January, 1978).
Chamorro had become the leader of the incipient national bourgeoisie. Through journalistic many years, he had also managed to gain the sympathy of broad sectors in
masses to take to the streets -saw this better than I did, since 1 was still a prisoner. They expressed their repudiation with violence. In those demonstrations ine masses openly identified with the Sandinista Nationa The people reiterated that the Sandinista front was the only possibility and for confronting the Somoza dictatorship.
cities his
Phato. from Nicaraguo
This led to VICW Lu their inte cooked
and leaving
Deals order
did not
interests of Somoza, Guard,
party. No shattered
through the Whatever neutralised by
basis of the imperialism struggle; detachments popular the somocista waits it
and the National
With these the regime sought to im- historicalv discredited image betore
achievement, the enemy's
masses, and the masses' self-confidence
errors: they
activity
The crime caused the
revolutionary victories,
Front.
Sandinista £6.95
International
This spurred the morale and the efforts of the people as a whole. They were encouraged by te mounting de tivities of FSLN combat units in the
and countryside. Everything ready for Ene insurrection Another significant event that helped to raise the fighting spirit of the people and that demostrated the Somoza regime's inability to halt the advance of the popular struggle was the taking of the National Palace on 22 August, 1978, by the Rigoberto Lopez Perez Sandinista Command
The seizure of the palace had a great impact, not only among the peo ple but also on international public opinion. The dictator Somoza - With
image tarnished and feeling pressure for a change from an obscure human-rights policy that US presi dent Carter was trying to impose found it necessary to utilise more and more brute force against the people
events like those of September 1978, which opened the road to victory. There were insurrec tions in Esteli, Masaya, León, and Chinandega, and popular uprisings in certain barrios of Managua. Through lose their fear of the National Guard So the people began to move forward and take the offensive.
The rising struggle was headed by a revolutionary organisationgand imperialism and the reaction egan to
th fear. Theyh vere in daise 'mediation scheme which involved removing the dictator
place somocismo without Somoza. Somoza, being. atrogant, would not accept this.
He proposed holding a plebiscite that never took place. Mediation was to reconcile, through shady deals, the
the corrupt party of the genocidal National the bourgeois opposition political parties, and private capital.
These mediation manoevres were
by the unity of the vanguard. The mediation scheme ran un aganst the unity or the entire na tion that was taking shape around the FSLN, which kept on fighting with arms in hand down to the end.
vacillations were • the FSLN's will to carry the fight to a higher level. Plans for insurrection were drawn up on the
• people's experience in military actions by armed combined with uprisings and. the general strike, which played a complementary
The final insurrection began in May 1979. The general strike called by the FSLN combined with the uprising of the masses to give to the people the
rightly belonged to them. All the fac tors had been brought together exactly at the opportune mement and in the
possible because of struggle our people had carried out against the somocisto mintary dic tatorship. It was possible owing to the emergence of a revolutionary van-
This was possible because at a crucial moment or mistonicai maluril; we set aside the search for personal power in the spirit of revolutionary unity, putting the interests of the nation above all. The 19 July was only the
us along the road. The powerful immachine to turn back the course of history and, meanwhile, and biting us with the ferocity of a
We have confidence in the toilers, in this people that was born to make history and is expert at forging new
Free hoteland or death!"
• The fult text of Thomas Borge's speech is reprinted in Nicaragua: The
People's Révolution, Pathfinder Press, 47 The Cut, London SEI 8LL.
Page 9 scan of this page
Labour's Programme 1986
Surplus Value
TONY BENN
HEFFER submitting
following paper to the NEC of the
Labour Party for discussion on 24
July. It outlines their proposals
for the key issues to be included in
the next Labour Party manifesto.
We are printing it in full as a con-
tribution to the discussion, and
Socialist Action will be taking up
in future issues our agreements
and disagreements with the pro-
posals in it.
A memorandum by Tony Benn and Eric Heffer Introduction AT THE May meeting of the National Executive Committee we submitted a paperPlanning for a Labour Victory in which we recommendations for consideration, and gave notice that we would be putting in another paper DOCV
This memorandum, sets out some of the policies which we believe the NEC should discussing as part of its work programme for the future.
A Policy for Victory
If the Party is to secure an overall majority at the next general election, for which we are all working, we shall have to have developed, well in advance of the campaien. precise policies to met the situation that will face us when we get into power.
The electorate know very well that a formidable task of reconstruction will need to be undertaken by the next Labour government, and incy want to be sure that we have thought out how we propose to tackle it, and, m particular, now we intend to res pond to, and overcome, the opposition that we are likely to have to face.
The need for a new programme
Over the last few years the NEC has presented to conference a series of Labour programmes for and decision, covering the range of policy, and there have formed the basis of our manifestoes.
We believe that the general line taken in those programmes has been correct and should be followed in the future.
But we also recognize that the situation has changed greatly in the meanwhile, that therefore there will be a need to up-date and strengthen our committments to take account of the serious economic and social legacy that we shall inherit when the lories are defeated.
The last programme was published in 1982 and we believe that another
and ERIC
the be prepared
that.
The proposals
set out some
which
dealing with
after further study
therefore,
A socialist agenda now be
shift of power from
clear and
discussion
whole
3. Trade union rights
such Labour Programme 1986 should
for next years conferance as a basis for our campaign in the general election which will follow
made this memorandum are listed as an indication of the general areas of policy
we belleve will need to br reconsidered and do not go into any delall, since bal coud ony be done
and Terence
be
Our first task will necessarily be to tackle the problem of unemployment and this will involve us in a substantial
towards criteria that allow the need
shall have to reckon with the opposition of those national and international centres of economic and indust power bar now control Dur
control, import control, the direction of investment in the private sector. much more progressive taxation and
secure greater equality in our society
With this in mind we believe that urgent consideration must be given to
forms, of the banks and financial institutions, of a substantial number of major companies to secure the investment we shall need, and of land for housing and development, as well as the re-aquisition of privatized assets
The repeal of the anti-trade union legislation, the granting of an amnesty, and its replacement by new laws that encourage trade union member-
unions to protect their members and play a full role in all decisions which
The enactment of legislation tha: would make provision tor a germice system of self-management entr==-
ching the ultimate right of employees in public and private industries and SONICA WO elect and remove their managers. 5. The Common Market
The immediate restoration — pending our liberation from the Treaty of Rome — of full parliamentary control over legislation ceded by the 1972 European Communities Act to the EEC, because:
(a) even our castle economic and industrial policy would be held to
illegal by the British responsible as they are, for enforcing Community law in Britain which would create a major constitutional crisis with the courts and the civil ser-
(b) the current proposals for a move towards a fully federal Europe would be completely unacceptable to the Labour Party, the British people, and would undermine parliamintary democracy in this country.
Labour, being an internationalist
across the whole of Europe and far beyond the confines
6. Education and training
The provision of a genuine com prehensive system of education and training throughout school and college and in all further education.
This must be linked, in every case, to the provision of real jobs. development of individuals and the meeting of social and economic need. 7. Welfare benefits
The rebuilding and reconstruction of the Welfare state by the provision of a whole range of statutory benefits covering all kinds of social need to be available as of right, to replace the present means-tested system. 8. The re-unification of Ireland
The violence in Northern Ireland, caused by the partition, can only be resolved by negotiating the termination of British jurisdiction in the six counties, and plans will need to br
secure this objective drawn without any unionist veto 9. Foreign Policy
The adopties of a =e
- = 72
making, supporting political economic development in the Third
cuts in diture, because we shall not be able to anora c present cost, ler alone al. increase in the conventional budget taking up any savings deriving
weapons programme.
Courts, tionship with the Americans it, as is quite possible, they were actually to
Machinery of government
which have now become instruments of Tory policies staffed, at top levels. with will eed to be reformed and
moon period, will certainly do all it can to delay, obstruct and prevent, an elected Labour government from car-
14. An effective local government ment on a new basis which would give general powers to these authorities to the act in the interest of their constituen-
outiaw al forms of discrimination on the grounds of class, sex, race or
16. A democratic and pluralistic
safeguard the freedom of the media so that a full range of opinions can be made available to the people
Towards a Labour victor The Labour Te: * sera IT: "kEN
Socialist Action 19 July 1985 especially in Europe, and in
liberation and Our serious OUl
socialist WC
abolition of the House of
deeply
they cannot
native education, retirement. the colleagues
national,
that these
1986 to go to ari ta azars dee
Eric Heffer
. --...C. hone 197
9
Dine, A angres
1964, 1966 and 1974.
worst results have always been when our manifesto was vague or lacked support from the leadership as in 1951, 1959, 1970, 1979 and 1983.
This time the sheer gravity of the crisis will lead to an expectation from the voters that if they elect a Labour government there will be a real and
effort made to advance towards a fairer society.
Socialist policies, of the kind outlined above also have a special relevance now, since the Tory wets, the SDP and the Liberals have already moved mo tae anti- natchene, non
- and bitterly anti-socialist — middle ground of politics.
It we were to mode ourselves on their approach the electorate will see no difference and will feel free to support any, or all of those parties and groupings with the likely consequence
end ur with a hunt Parliament and a paralyzed govern-
Labour's best chance of victory lies in its appeal to all those, especially the organized working class, , who are
opposed to monetarism and militarism, and to millions of others who do not bother to vote because
see any difference between the parties
Such people would be more likely to respond to a serious socialist alter-
that offered jobs, homes, good health dignity in prospects of peace. greater human rights and democrac
means as well as willing the ends.
Conclusions and recommendations
We therefore recommend to our
proposals be discussed by the Home Policy, Inter-
Local Government.
Women's and Youth Committees and
committees be asked report back to the NEC as part of the preparation of a Labour Prograt.te
Conference ner: ste and to form the core of our Maritar:
Torahe next general elemie
Page 10 scan of this page
Newham 7: police exposed
South of Ireland elections
IRELAND
UNFREE
Manchester conference Manchester Labour Party has this week provided a timely example of how the British Labour movement can aid the Irish fight for democracy, MARTIN COLLINS reports. in two events hailed by the emigré newspaper the Irish Post as a breakthrough for 'out of London cities, the City Council decided to identify the Irish in Manchester as an ethnic minority and discrimination; then a City Labour Party delegate educational ference came out overwheimingly in favour of British withdrawal, Labour Committee on Ireland and adopting a series of practical measures to boost the withdrawal campaign.
The significance of the 'ethnic minority" decision will be seen in practice. Once racism is identified not principally as resulting from the colour of people's skins, but as a product of coloniai rule, then more practical work can be done to combat it.
For it is not simply a matter of trying to persuade people to live together in harmony, but also to bring an awareness to the population as a whole how discrimination has come about and attacking its material roots.
The GLC discovered much about the extent of anti-Irish discrimination in housing, jobs, health and education which had previously been hidden. It showed how repressive legislation like the PTA silenced the Irish community and break up its community organisation. It pointed to the division of Ireland and occupation of the Six Counties and attendant 'troubles' as an aggravating source of anti-irish racism. must involve the reclamation of irish culture and language, and the identification with the fight for democracy and freedom in that country.
Such loyes were
held chambers on 6 July, Concerned that the Labour group's only response to a Tory resolution condemning the Brighton bombing had been to praise the fire fighters and emergency services and warn that under the Tories they would be cut back still further the Labour Party decided a firm policy was needed.
They circulated along statements, an essay by record on Ireland, a statement by
advocating drafted by Tony Benn showing legislatively how it might be accomplished.
150 delegates heard Bernadette McAliskey explain how people in Ireland experienced British oc. cupation and point out how the miner's strike had shown the longer Britain remains in Ireland, the more repression first ased in Ireland would be practiced against its own working class. Michael O'Reilly a representative of the Trade Unionists for Irish Unity and Independence and an anticoalition executive member of the irish Labour Party explained how Irish working class and that the fight for socialism was tied up with scrapping it.
After workshops WalCu 'perceptions of Ireland':
Labour's front hench spokesperson on Ireland, Stuart Bell to present the official line. For the LCI Ken Livingstone argued strongly for withdrawal. He said that a future Labour government would be forced to use repressive methods if it tried to maintain direct rule. Having thought through the problem of Ireland in more detail than anything apart from local government, Livingstone said that he had come to the conclusion that withdrawal would have to take place not 'within the life- time of the next Labour Government', but within the first couple of days of office.
As the presented their thoughts on what Labour's policies should be, one after the other argued that present policy of 'unity by consent' was inadequate.
It failed to deal with the lovalist veto which past Labour governments had to bow down to, allowing a minority of Irish people to block the democractic right of the majority to decide how they wanted live. measures were put forward to combat the use of
the PTA, to promote Irish organisation, to campaign on Labour's policy against strip searching, plastic bullets and no-jury Diplock courts. Delegations, visits and exchanges were advocated as part of a process of clarifying the Irish point of view and building awareness.
With the Labour leadership pledging 1986 as the year we get our Irish policy sorted out, the
Manchester decisions are a model for .how.tD.en-
sure that the conclusions of such discussion gdope. immediate, unconditional withdrawal as the only
way to guarantee the right of the Irish people to
decide their own future.
accordingly against
policy-making con-
affiliation to the Ine sell-idenurication of the Irish
supported by a delegate in the Council with Labour Policy Geoff Bell on Labour's Irish withdrawal and a Bill partition had divided the
looked at British it was the turn of more than 30 workshop sub-groups
Practical campaigning
WHATEVER THE justified anger expressed as a result of the conviction of four of the Newham 7. the verdicts show that the Jury version of the facts. Only politics did they disagree, majority. Count one of a complex indictment stated that Chaudri assaulted Scott Young. Chaudri said that he had only defended independent witnesses supported him. Verdict Not Guilty.
Count 2 charged three white co-defendents with the pathetically light offence 'common assault', on the driver of a Mercedes, when the back windscreen was smashed ana a passenger stabbeu with a broken bottle. Verdict Guilty. They were finded f100.
Count accused Chaudri of conspiracy to smash sainburgh pub. in retalia- luke
tacks that were sweeping Newham. He had 'admit-
view The deface ter.
The defence was that 'we were only going to stop the attackers'. Verdict - Not Guilty.
Count 4. which was possession of 2 weapon by Chaudri, was abandoned
THE 20 June local government elections in the South of Ireland were a disaster for the government parties. Fine Gael and Labour together won only 37.4 per cent of the votes, a drop of 11.4 per cent compared with the last general election in November 1982. Fianna Fail, the main opposition party, made a small gain.
There was substantial support for small left-wing parties independent candidates: per That's more than double the Labour score of 7.9 per cent. This was the party's worst national electoral performance for 50 years.
Some of the 17 mer cent
'others' vore will probably rel to me dudle pailin in the next general election
• Hanna ral exnect to be the main gainers. But the hig parties are worried. in some areas there were
results.
гере the socialist
The five-seat
North inner city constiruency returned independent left-winger Tony Gregory (Teachta Daia member the Dublin
and Sinn paramelis Fein': Christy Burke. Both these councillors, especially Burke, are closely identified with the Concerned Parents Movement, a mili-
anti-heroin pushers
campaign.
Tie Sinn Fein did well in
other Dublin constituen-
cies getting. 8-10 per
cent of the poll in LUN
tested areas. Their lower
often
•recience
went heavily to the
Workers' Party, which
became the third largest
Dublin corporation group
with six seats.
Although the Workers'
Party used to be part of
the republican movement
it now hon a pre-Lationat
policy national
question.
By contrast Fianna Fail itself *The Call
Republican Party' in elec-
tion literature and nas a
big working
They took control of the
Dublin Corporatior and
the County Council, for
the first time in over 20
years.
accepted the defence
on the law or the
and then only by
himself and two
by the prosecution. Count 5 charged the other SiX Asians with criminal vamage io the Duke Edinburgh. Pub windows were broken during the fight outside. No one new who broke them. bul if it was a concerted attack by police claimed they would all be guilty of *ioint enterprise, a much more serious matter
The defendants said that they didn't go to attack the pub, but to show they were not afraid and to deter racist attackers. Ver-
Vot Guilty.
LILI Count 7, three defendants
were accused of having oftensive weapons in a car the next night, "to defend
Fianna Fail had one big black spot. Their vote in Limerick city went down five per cent. Joe Harringion, candidate People's Democracy (the irish sermon or me rourli International), won a Lim-
Harrington stood
By John Meehan
the four-seat working class district of Southill. After the first count he was in second place with 589 votes, 12 per cent of the poll.
The Peopie's Democracy candidate took the second seat on the seventh count with 1019 votes. He
the eliminated
Workers' Party candidates.
The campaign againsi the new warer ax imposed by ibe government nas been a big feature of Joe's campaign. Up 1982 water supplies were free, and local authorities were responsible for maintaining the service. government wants these services to be paid for
In Limerick Joe Harr-
LINC first speak out against this un must tax. since inen with the people of Limerick loe has marched against water tax, publiciy burnt the de mand notices and civil bills. picketed the COle
thouse and Dail Eireann and forced the city counci to vote against the £50 HeVV
Fifteen to 20 activists in the water tax campaign backed Joe's election campaign. His manifesto linked this issue to broader national issues such the need for a crash housing programme: for local councils which side with
working class people their struggle for justice;
themselves. Seven police District Support Unit ofricers gave obviotisly con-
evidence. Two defendants said that they did know the items were in the car, the third
explanation for each item. Verdict — Not Guilty
This only left Count 6, of taffray and 'unlawful righting'. The case against Jyoti Rajappan collapsed when an incriminating interview was thrown out on the grounds police pressure. Amjad Aki denied he there and said that identification of him "TOH paulo: malicious and wrong. He was found not guilty
The affray charge against the two whites was predictably dismissed. The remaining four Asians faced the crunch issue of the entire trial. This was the question: what do vou do when you and your com
under attack di c and the police are unable or unwilling to help? DC Bonczoszek illustrated the nount. Hearing or nammer attacks Asians by for a programme to solve unemployment based on a
35 hour week with ao loss
pay and argued that there could be no real change in the welfare of
I AST Saturday's
Nicaragua Solidarity
Campaign national
delegate meeting mark-
ed a rapid growth in the
campaign's sponsor-
ship. and decided
capitalise On that by
organising a trade
union solidarity con-
ference in Sheffield on
23 November.
There already a
diverse bag of MPs sup
porting NSC - from Neil
of the Labour
a all through Daffyd
Elis Thomas of the Welst
nationalists, 10 Liberal
David Steel. And other
support includes show-biz
celebrities such as Harold
Pinter and Julie Christie
with CND's
LUCCLICI
Bruce Kent, the Com-
munist Party, and the Na-
whites in a silver Grenada, he saw tit to keep watch or Asian youth. He and other police officers suppressed all reference to violence by whites from the Duke of conourga
But an internal document. the defence showed that police
125 were involved in the fight.
ANal defence
that they did not go to atTrish workers Without reai change in the position et women in irish society.
People's Democracy concludes the manitesio hy also supporting the
NSC: solidarity grows
tional Union of Students.
Nationally alfiliated unions include ACTTS, COHSE NGA, and GMBATU to name but a few. (LOO
ference is intended to build on this support. Speakers will include members of the Sandinista trade union (the CST), Jack Jones (formerly of the TOWU). and Campbell Christie ot the SCPS.
The conference will take up the issues both of trade union policy towards Nicaragua, as well as the nitty gritty of direct solidarity
Affiliated unions will be circulating their branches With details. All Socialist Action readers are encourag
raise, and get
delegates elected and branches affilitated.
In a further step for-
International
Tack the pub. but when they arrived opposite they were allu pelted with glasses. Having been
did not away but fought back with anything that came to hand.
They chased the whites into the pub and no one
hurt. They acted in self-defence and in preven tion of further racist crimes. The real issue ther
resolant force'. judges summing up stressed that people must remain within the law at all
The jury convicted the four defendants by a 10-2 majority. Despite this, it is beyond all doubt that the
pot everal presention
original prosecution case was discredited Unmesh Desai, of the defence campaign, has stated that there
appeal on the will be an cases of the four convicted. He said "The Newham wike the Newham 8, is aboutimakinglothe streets safe blacks and Asians to walk free from racist attacks. struggles of workers worid
wide of Solidarity Polana,
Britain and the workers in
Africa and Nic aragua
waru, the NSC nationa
delegate meeting passed a resolution to organise for
action, including
street demonstrations to
oppose the growing US in.
vasion threat. The NoU
has recognised the impor
tance of this in the lont o
Reagan's declared 'na-
tional state of emergency'.
There is now a hol
denate in the solidarity
campaign about the timing
of a national demonstra
rion Meanwhile a rapid
mobilisation network
being set up in London to
deal with emergencies anc
take short, sharp action.
• Conference material
will be available shortly
from NSC, phone 01-359
8982. and ask for. Lilian
Grewar. Contact the same
number if you wish to be
included on the mobilisa
tion network.
Page 11 scan of this page
News
More
Party
Party has taken another decisive step towards a final
Star wings of the Party. voted at the weekend to expell 12 members of the management committee of the People's Press Prin-
(Report)
ting Society.
Thase expelled include Ken Gill of Terry DA-I Marsland of the Tobacco Workers Union, Ken Brett of the AUEW and former Longbridge convenor, Derek Robinson. ine ex pulsions mean that all of the Morning. supporters on the managemten Commulece nave wow
from the Party.
In the ecutive has
the London of Willesden, Horn-
Bethnal 3cyr Green, Limehouse. Poplar, and London niture. are to be disso ved and registered.
London con-
to held next March. Eurocom-
with those considered 'politically
clude the North-West
Forum. has
given for
12 Morning Star
LINe People's manage-
surrender
is lost and the GLC will be abolished.'
Until now Labour policy has been to fight abolition even after the Abolition Bill became law, and to create the maximum possible obstacles to the Tories had are. ingstone previously argued that the unions and Labour should hold to a policy of non-cooperation
with the new bodies which are to take over the Gre functions. His change of policy puts him to the tight of Labour's national policy
Communist
expulsions
THE EXECUTIVE committee of the Communist
break between the Eurocommunist and Morning
The executive committee
the nominees of the Communist Party executive. Democracy
opposed to the line of the CXCCELYC CONCOC CELLCU
against the principles of in-
ques and his cothinkers is
Martin Jacaues
move made by the CPGB, opposed suppost for a labour
openly right wing Labour LOVe ElEIL
Labour, but a shift to both Loo are sace
cherism still calls the main KOHOWS
Livingstone call for
WHILE LIVERPOOL City council continues to fight the Tories attack on local government, GLC leader Ken Livingstone has delivered another blow to the campaign. He is pressing the GLC Labour councillors to reverse their stand of boycotting talks with the government on abolition of the GLC. His argument is that: 'We have to accept that the battle
which is for 101cooneration.
The move will certainly be welcomed by Labour's environment spokesperSUlI John Cunningham who is to urge local councils and trade unions that cooperation with abolition now the only sensible course. This move, if accepted by the GLC Labour group will crease the difficulties facing the unions in the fight to defend jobs and services.
Ken Gill unlikely to enjoy the same degree political initiative it did in 1983 and 1979. Alternatively a hung parliament looks a real possibility.
'A Labour victory, while looking more possible than it did after the 1983 unlikely. Moreover, even if it did scrape into office, unless there is a dramatic
the political climate, will operate in political conditions which will profoundly constrain its radicalism. Thatcherism Sull li large measure set the terms of debate.
The executive also adopted position recognise that the Morning Star is 'no longer a Communist newspaper' and deniaca lo launch a nev Communist Party weekly paper in October. Judging by Jacques' report the latter should be one oi the most right wing papers in the labour movement.
Livingstone's argument is that Labour msut
the disruption which LEUIL tion, because it would be electorally unpopular. The fact is that abolition will result in huge loss of jobs
services. Failure fight will mean that
will co-operate with the Tories in their atlack. In the fight against abolition the ball is, now firmly in the court of the local government unions.
They must now make it clear unal Iney will con tinue the fight, and that if
group discusses staff cuts, or sits on the bodies making these cuts, they will find themselves fighting the unions.
in a 61 per cent turn-out. Benn and Hatton By Carol Turner time over, virtual The nd iy
can send run the
GMBATU votes 'Yes' THE GMBATU, Britain's second biggest union, has given a resounding blow to the Tories' attack on political funds. It was the sixth and biggest vietory so far in the ballots on this question. The result was 89 per cent in favour of retaining funds,
The result confirms the trend already established in previous ballots in other unions. The lowest proportion of yes votes so far has been in the Furniture Timber and Allied Trades, which showed 72 per cent in favour. The result makes clear that the overwhelming majority of trade unionists see the need for their unions to be involved in political activities and campaigns. In view of the overwhelm-
Liverpool
fights on
FOLLOWING LIVERPOOL city council's deficit budget, when a rate of only nine per cent was set, the district auditor is now considering whether or not to proceed against Labour councillors. If notices of surcharge are issued this would leave each councillor facing an estimated £2000 surcharge or disqualifica-
the seeing or ra Roman governor'. ParliaAnd Liverpool is now the stewards.
pool council workers. But
delver
Acts of solidarity with
mcle out is a suralegy lu combat the Tories plans. stage
Auditor's Öffice Friday 19 July. Assemblé at the town hall at Sam, march to Tithebarn Street, Liverpool | for lob by at 9.30am. Bring your banners.
Socialist Action ballots.
The ballot resuits so far.
Union Yes
GMBATU 448,426 UCW 102,546 SOGAT '82 91,760 ISTC 28,633 FTAT 11,410 NCU 77,183
Rambo the
human ape
quipped
hostages in Beirut.
"Commie bashing'.
out the Commie Gooks in 'Nam.
subtle films were in yogue such as
undergoing a mass guilt purge
them received a hero's welcome.'
19 July 1985 11
ing majorities that have been obtained so far, it is clear that a more positive campaign on the question of the links with the Labour Party can be conducted than has so far been the case in most of the
No Per cent yes 54,657 89 33,337 75 25,947 4,404 86 4,269 72 17,757 81 'AFTER SEEING Rambo last night 1 know what to do next time this happens.' Thus
Reagan after the release of the
The movie Rambo currently, along with Bruce Springsteen, is the biggest phenomenon in the States. Reagan has not been slow in jumping on
Springsteen's for his portrayal of humble American folk and championing the veterans' cause, and Rambo's for its blatan
Since World War Il films in particular have served as useful propaganda vehicles — the most notorious during the Vietnam war was a charmless piece of celluloid starring John Wayne called The Green Berets. This was very popular with US au
— it told of heroic boys and men sorting
For a period after the Vietnam war, and up to Reagan's presidency, such blatantly reactionary material was unfashionable with directors. More
Apocalypse Now, and Coming Home The majority of these films, along with the spate of *Viet Vet tries to readjust' movies were considered
stylistically they were leagues above John Wayne
The therapy appears to have done the trick and America, after putting itself on the psychiatrists couch, has recovered and is now more confident and convinced of its rightness than it has been for a long time. Reagan is firmly guiding the process.
Now we have on the one hand 'musical Dee Hunters' like Springsteen and Paul Hardcastle's 'Nineteen' and on the other hand we have new John Wayne's like Sylvester Stallone. Hardcastle might be miffed at the categorisation but "19' is as one-sided a view of the war as any film or song pro duced by an American. Of particular relevance is the repeated phrase at the end of the song 'None of
But now on to the real looney tunes — films
former concerns a Red invasion of America which is resisted by about a half dozen WASPS. This stirring patriotic bunk received lavish praise from no less a dignitary than Alexander Haig - who claimed it presented the most convincing case for
But to get back to where we came in, Rambo mania has apparently reached epidemic proportions in the States. Sylvester Stallone portrays the eponymous hero who frees American prisoners still being held by the Commies in the jungles of South East Asia. Stallone even out guns Wayne in the macho stakes, as he achieves this with very few clothes and without the aid of the Green Berets.
eyen psychologists are getting in on the act by providing rational explanations for 'Rambo mania'. The film grossed £60 million in three weeks and the commercial possibilities appear boundless with off shoots and the president's approval — which of course leads us to its political implications.
In the words of Stallone 'people have been waiting a long time to express their patriotism. The logical outcome would be to express their patriotism in support of participation in an offen. sive against the Communists. For arguments sake lets say more specifically against Nicaragua and instead of one Rambo throw in a whole army of
As a practical extension of the solidarity work taking place in the Centrad America campaięns in Britain we could be building support for the ider of actually protesting outside the cinemas which screen Rambo as it is released in this countr!.
Page 12 scan of this page
loses his cool
A SHARP exchange took place.
Reagan and Fidel Castro at the beginning of lasi week over Reagan's ludicrous charge that five 'terrorist' states — Nicargua — were banding together in an international conspiracy to 'commit acts of war' against the United States.
These states, according to Reagan, were led by the 'strangest collection of misfits, loony tunes and squalid criminals since the advent of the third reich'.
Fidel Castro, speaking at a press concrete Havana, immediately
Reagan's cusations labelling him *the biggest har oi all the American presidents' and the 'worst terrorist in the history of mankind'.
Calling Reagan 'a madman, an imbecile and a bum he locused attention on the USA's war drive against colonial world. "It
who suoports th genocidal. army of El
the rapists of American nuns. Reagan ordered the mining of the harbours in Nicaragua. was Reagan who sent troops little Grenada'. He went onto Tenerle Cuban government's call for peaceru. solution to the
6 months 88; 12 months 215
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White House Cowboy
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- Iran, Libya, North Korea, Cuba and
conflict Central America.
By Valerie Coultas
Reagan's speech had two related aims. It was designed to cover up his administration failure to live up to its retoric over the Beirut hostage crisis and his willingness to get assistance from Syria
and simultaneously to swing US and world opinion behind direct military attacks on the semi-colonial revolution, particular the revolution in Central Amen 27 June the US House of Representatives voted by 312 votes to 111 to give Reagan five possi ble reasons to send troops ed responding to attacks on the US embassy or US citizens through intervening 1t Nicaragua was giving support to 'ter-
SUBSCRIBE
ose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for E
Socialisi Action Subs, PO Box 50, London N1 2XF
SILi
Daniel Ortega, Sandinista President, denied Reagan's charge that 'ter1ULISL Li als bases' exest him to terminate his ed him to terminate
ched by the contras against Nicaragua.
Reagan's definition of
tisan. It any state 'op-
US policies that aim to dominate and control other people.'
Terrorism cannot defined hijacked planes, _planting bombs. assasinations and kidnaps. The most
form of terrorism in the world today is the 'state organised ter rorism' of the US and their imperialist allies against the semi-colonial countries fighting for freedom and economic self-determination.
The fact tht we are living in a nuclear age where these state terrorists have the means blow the world "protect"'. in order to
their interests makes it all the more vital that the labour movement mobilises on all fronts to oppose the imperialist war drive.
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for the preceding five days has reached ten
tims of the police murder squads.
Since August of last year, when a massive campaign against Botha's constitutional retorms led the farcical elections for the new tri-cameral parliament elections which excluded the overwhelming African majority and when less than 20 per cent
privileged black minority groups turned
- the unrest in OL LO VULC the urban black townships
Mr Louis le Grange Minister of Law Order, has admitted parliament that there has been a total of 400 deaths since September. The liberation organisations
the figure much higher.
The police terror has not stopped the campaign make the township: ungovernable. The apartheid regime has tried to stem the tide of revolt by arresting some of the leaders of the United Democratic Front (UDF) a broad umbrella multi racial organisation of about 650 groups ranging from churches to charities, sports clubs trade unions although the major black_ federations, FOSATU and trade
CUSA have thus far remained outside.
Between August of last year and February, sixteen
African Indian leading members of the
Apartheid
MURDER
AS THIS article is being written, the death toll of black people in the townships east of Johannesburg
an average of two murders a day. By the time this appears in print there will, undoubtedly, be more vic.
UDF were arrested. Their trial, on charge of treason opened 1n Durban last week. South Africa, LI CASULI convictions can
the government thought that the arrest of some of the leaders would By Charlie Van Gelderen
result in dampening the the townships, they must now be realising that they hav seriously miscalculated.
Since the arrests began las year the tempo ot revolt has intensified.
The scenes in Kwathema township, about twenty-five miles east of Johannesburg
alon el re worke
world capitalism's pro duced, is only the lates manifestation of this continuing violence.
On Tuesday, 10 July a vigil was being held in a township cinema for four
novios incidente he
previous incident. police claim that they died when hand grenades with which they were going to attack homes policement exploded prematurely. This version is disputed by people close to the victims.
According to Nicholas Shata. a membe.
Confederation of South
Africa Students (Cosas) he and his colleagues were approached on 21 June by two men who took their addresses and arranged to meet them on the evening of 25 June
When they arrived at the rendezvous they realis ed that the men waiting there were members of the armed . security police they dispersed as quickly as they could. The next morning he saw that three of his companions ecutive members of Cosas, were lying dead, their bodies surrounded by police or security branch members in camouflage uniforms.
could see that they had all been shot dead, said Mr Shata 'one of miennaele top of his head blown off by what the police later described
newspaper reporters as a nano grenlade
It was during the vigil for these victims i of apartheid that the police lobbed teargas cannisters into the cinema. As the crowd fled, they opened fire and added to the evergrowing total.
The next day, during the amed two more were shot. Ap.
Other had beer stoning the nearby home of the stooge mayor of the township when two black policement arrive and fired three shots at point-blank range. ment's response to the reign of terror in South Africa must be to step up solidarity action with the
victims of apartheid. This must involve direct action by the organised working class. Appeals to Thatcher
only stony ground
This is again illustrated when the British govern ment, alone among comHowert refused to support the call
against South Africa if
continues to ignore Unite Nations resolution 435 on Namibian independence.
On the initiative Australia and Canada, the
government. sented at meeting in Marlborouen House. LOr don last week agreed that *approprate under the UN charter' will be needed it South Africa persists in Ignoring the directions of the securit! Council in New York
Mrs Thatcher had given prior instructions to
British delegate MI John Johnson of the Foreign Office, that no outs anale l anything that amounted to
with CONTONEAO Reagan Mrs Thatcher's policy, like Reagan's IS sanctions against revolutionary Nicaragua - • yes! Against racist South Africa, No!
The workers at Dunnes
Dublin supermarket who refused handle South Africa goods and lost their jobs as a conse quence, has shown the cor
class TeCI response to apartheid. Such acts are tremendous boos to the embattled fighters South Africa.
← Socialist Action No. 107, 3 July 1985Socialist Action No. 109, 26 July 1985 →