Socialist Action No. 110, 2 August 1985

Socialist Action · 2 August 1985 · 12 pages, 15,788 words read by machine

The scan: 110-aug-02-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Page 1 scan of this page

with apartheid

THE British and United States governments have openly emerged once more as the main international supporters of the murderous apartheid regime in South Africa. Their decision veto a United Nations resolution calling for 'voluntary' sanctions against South Africa, and to abstain on the very mild French resolution calling for a halt to new investment, shows clearly that they intend to continue to prop up the Botha regime.

The reasons for 11019 policy are not hard to find. Britain is the largest investor

the South African economy - with the US the

Break

links

second largest. Britain's direct investments are worth an estimated t5 billion, with a futher £6 billion in loans and shareholdings. Over half of the 2000 foreign-owned companies In ine apartheid state are coptrolled trom the UK.

With this economic weight the British

SOCiAList

ACTION

all

ment has a major influence over the situation in South Africa. but tor brush imperialism, considerations of profit far outweigh any concern about the bloody repression that has been unleashed on the blacks in

Between September last vear. when the recent strug-

gles began, and the declaration of a state of emergency on 20 uv. more than 500 blacks were murdered by the security forces over 2,000 injured, and 3,000 arrested

20 July there have been more than 20 more deaths on official figures alone and over 1,200 arrests. The stand taken by Britain and the US gives the green light to yet more fearsome repression. Botha's threat to deport the 1.5 million black workers form neighbouring states is only made possible by British American complicity with apartheid.

Faced with Thatcher's policy, and South Africa's repression, Neil Kinnock's call for an end to new investment is totally inadequate ine recession case reduced levels of new

pected Kinnock

DrODOSCS only painless sacrifices for imperialism. Firms such a ICI, Plessey, Barclays and Standard Chartered Band will be free to draw their

and give loans did capital to the regime.

Power

The labour movement should instead build a campaign to break all links with apartheid campaign which will have to include winning me labour ment to action against both the Brush government and the companies that proit from the South African regime. It means the labour movement also directly suppprting the black struggle in soul Alrica Itsel

Against those who argue that TUne

regime would hurt the black population, the South Atrican Congress of rade Unions gave the answer as long ago as 1963: 'It is some times argued even by well-

if the world boycotts South Africa we, the working people, will suffer most. Even if this were true - • and we do not believe it — let us assure our well-wishers abroad that we ao not sarmk form an hardship in the cause treedom.

Socialists in Britain have

special responsibility build mass campaign against Britain's complicity in apartheid. The labour movement should organise immediately to send delegations meet with the leaders of the black masses

South Africa. It should link this move to demands

June chaing

No. 110 2 August 1985 30p diplomatic links, for boycott of trade with the regime and of all South African goods - and for a boycott of firms which sustain the South African

Southampton dockers gave a magnificent lead on Tuesday in the struggle to break all links with apar

machine tools bound tor the South Africa fron Atlas Aircraft Corporation which contravened the arms embargo on sales to South Africa.

NUS er eneral secretary Jim Slater rightly said, government is not going to stop arms equipment going to South Africa, it's up iu trade unions to take action."

The action is also clearly in defiance of the 1982 anti-union laws which ban secondary boycouts.

Page 2 scan of this page

ACTiON

Hammond

and Scargill

THE PRESS has been largely pre-occupied during the last week with the possibility of a split in the TUC. At one level of course it is wishful thinking by Fleet Street. It is extremely unlikely that the TUC will split this time round — much as Thatcher, Steel, and Owen would like it.

But over the long term there is no doubt that there is little likelihood of the TUC remaining united -tain is already one of only a very few countries which has a united trade union movement. The split dynamic is however created not by the left but by the right wing within the TUC.

The basis of the old unity of theTUC was the ablilty of British imperialism to give concessions to fairly wide layers of the working class. On that basis gains could be fought for by all sections of the unions without explosive conflicts. But Thatcher has broken sharply with any policy. She has consciously pursued a policy of concentrating concessions on relatively highly paid and skilled sections of the working class — a policy clearly spelt out in the famous 'Ridley Report' which provided the build up the confron-

Given the way geography and social divisions coincide in Britain the reflection on the electoral field of that policy has been seen in the widening

popularity holding up far better in the more prodramatically outside these regions.

Within the trade union movement the same

unions such as the EEPTU and the AUEW on one side and other sections of the movement, symbolised by the miners and their allies on the other hand. Within the NUM it is seen in the divi-

Under the impact of Thatcher's policies some of the most basic structural divides within the trade union movement are

amoung higher paid skilled craft workers - the AUEW and EEPTU - which are the bulwark of

themselves the small managerial unions. It is unions such as the NUM, and on an issue such as black sections NUPE, which are the core of the

The reason for the deepening division is simple. Increasingly there are going to be only two

towards forms of class collaboration far more direct and open even than Britain has seen this

mond. It means a direct alliance with the ruling class against the mass of the working class and the abandonment of the most elementary principles of trade unionism — as well as an increasing political distancing from Labour.

The second road is that of class struggle and alliance with the mass of the working class cluding its most oppressed layers -higher than anything seen for decades. the path the NUM started the working class on

Hammond and Scargill, figures that sum up today the logical development of these two paths. It is the right wing,

rather than submit to even the elementary interests of the working class as a whole.

The TUC is most unlikely to split this year. But over the next decade the internal strains are

Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the last week of December.

Signed articles by contributors do not necessarily represent Socialist Action's views. These are expressed in editorials.

Send ail correspondence regarding subscriptions, sales and receipts to Socialist Action Distribution, B0 Dix 5ü, London N1 2XP Send all material for publication (including advertising) to Socialist Action Editorial at the same address. We repret that due to tne high cost cannot return or acknowledge unsolicited copy or photographs unless accompanied by a stamped addressed envelope.

2

and it should be remembered that Bri-

with the Tories electoral

- the road being pioneered by Ham-

these are the two

which would finally split away , or postage we

Socialist Action 2 August 1985,

launched

Demolishing each

arguments in

stake in the campaign for national unitv. He pointed

ing waged by the splitters the issue was not one o

•Scargill has never per-

Loue his policiest my

Lynk denies he is in-

*Spencer emerged in

agreements which would

basis, reward "loyalty" of Notts. I'm sure that these offers will be honoured in the short term. But the aim is to prevent unity in the NUM to prevent us fighting this •-mafia-type management.

'And I'll predict — and

- that if the Tories are re-elected, Notts pits will be owned by the

NUM campaign

multinationals in five

"Tegueille the direce

destruction of the NUM.

THE STORY of the 1984/5 miners' strike is built out of thousands of individual tales of heroism, sacrifice and humour as they unfolded day by day. Many of these will never be known beyond small handfuls of people. One of the most dramatic centres on the tiny group of striking miners and their families — the 'Dirty 30' — who fight on still against the apathy and self-interest of the 2,500 scab-led

playwright and four actors SLACCLANE

ing seen from pit virages io the Edinburgh Festival and was recently put on in Last London. It's full of comedy and songs, and politically spot on - free from high-faluting rhetoric.

action revolves around four main

Johnny, striking miner, Cath — his wife,

Fighting

'It would be a blow not just to the miners, but to

union movement in Britain.

Ray Chadburn receiveda when he introduced himself as the president of Notts area NUM. He went on to echo the points made by Heathfield phasising in particular collaboration of the NCB in the split.

Chadburn reported that workers at Bevercotes colliery with forms from the time

JOEl breakaway. He closed by appealing to Notts miners to 'defend this great union

and preserve our nationalised industry.

'With the sun on our backs'

who worked throughout the

Julie and their father Bill. Through this device all the personal implications of the strike emerge as well as the wider political implications.

By Toni Gorton

Very little is fictional, although the characters are representative rather than actual. This make: he play absorbing. The in

ple, one of the striking

was home along with his younger sister ..month-eld-son who.was ..'Red

Open letter

to Notts miners

DEAR COMRADES,

As more and more

sections of the Labour

Party and labour

movement demand

that no recognition is

given to any break-

away organisation of

miners in Notts, it is

important to address

of the Issues

which seem to be be-

ing overlooked in the

debate.

their

miller

guard by of

what behind

can

of projected

At the

are some

jobs in The

What has

are shows that,

within

20,000

The facing • YO

Meetings announced

in the NUM campaign

in Notts so far are:

• Sunday 4 August 10

am, Cresswell Social

Centre. Speakers Peter

Heathfield and kay

Chadburn.

• Sunday 11 August 10

Blidworth miners'

welfare. Speakers Arthur

Scargill and Henry

Richardson. put in a cell alone. The screaming child could be heard continuously while police grilled the father about such things as his sex life with his wife.

The two sisters portray the development of women. Their

LOUISE and daughters show how Licy oring tell own Daltles as women into the SLENCEL into conflict sometimes with their husbands and fathers making their contribution on their own terms.

The timing, acting anc singing are terrific. songs highlight various stages of the strike and political aspects such as: 'There ain't nothing like a

sonines pose longe

loneliness long distance runner as

drags on. The olic about Nei Kinnock to the tune of the cHag then of tig. Spacestershire.

who will have you

elsewhere from the

and

attractive today's from

will In The

seeking early are being 41111 those moves

unre aleu stated

WINE

the mining in thi COULTEL n

the

depends miners

which

wasteful arguments

interests of

and your Yours Labour's

CanHELLE

• Sunday 11 August, lunchtime, Newark. Speaker Ray Chadburn.

• Sunday 11 August, Devonshire suite, Idlewells Centre, Sutton. Speakers Arthur Scargill and Ray Chadburn.

• Saturday 24 August, Hucknal Leisure Centre. Speakers Arthur Scargill and Ray Chad. burn. response from the audience drawn from the local miners' support committee and the finale 'The Song of Coal' brought people forward fighting political perspec tive.

The title refers to a saying - with the sun on our

acks a miner will never g

Latel Dirty are down pit again and making a good fight to keep Leicestershire miners with the national union. One of their leaderş, Mick Richmond, drew the evening to a close with his comrade Roy Butlin from the Coalville railworkers who shared the hard times together.

The play is on tour now. Terms are negotiable with Winstor Nicholl on Leicester (0533) 559711 or c/o The Utility Theatre Co., Magazine Work-

Newarke St;

Page 3 scan of this page

the breakaway Campaigning in Notts

breakaway union in Notts continue steam.

vinced by Lynk's plan to split the NUM.

middle ground. breakaway must be these people to stay in the national union.

Despite the holiday shutdown miners loyal to the NÜM of Wally

and their supporters, have organised to distribute many thousands of copies

The Winter with the nationally produced campaign leaflets.

Women from Notts Women Pit Closures have taken a lead in this work. On Tuesday women from Calverton distributed large amounts

campaign material to miners Hucknall pit. They report apart from with the hard core of right wingers was with

three extra copies to give their mates.

On Monday Notts Women Against Pit Closures organised picket of the area council meeting at the Berry Hill offices Mansfield Despite being organised al very short notice some fif-

OUL They were able to make their points forcefully to area council members and

Labour MPs Frank Haynes and Don Concan41411 wno were present at the breakaway meeting.

The feeling of support for

Hallullai uluI coming from many miners In Notts is cleariv navine an effect on Lynk and co. After four hours of discussion, the area council finally agreed to call a ballot on the breakaway proposal. The voting will be in September. This is a

BOTH THE Financial Times and The Guardian have been predicting breakaway in the Agecroft pit in Lancashire. Branch officials have been quoted in support of the split. Steve strikers at Agecroft, describes the current situation:

'At branch neeting on Sunday the branch voted that when Notts finally decides on a breakaway it will organise a ballot to find the feelings of the membership on whether to have a ballot to decide on a breakaway. In other words, a ballot for a ballot.

"The vote was 130 for the and 118 abstentions. Four hundred and fifty members didn't even tend despite the four free pints of beer given to each person.

'So the splitters don't even have a majority people abstained because they don't want to split, but didn't want to be seen to go with us.

THIS WEEK has seen the campaign against the

to build up

Miners across the county believe that there is still a large middle ground made up of miners who might have worked during the dispute but who are not con-

The 10,000 abstentions in the recent ballot for area agent gives some indication of the size of this The campaign against the

directed towards convincing

reversai of Lynk's earlier

was necessary since Notts miners had already to reject the NUM's rule changes.

The fact that the council also took the soft opnon ang acclaca lo pro pose amalgamation with breakaway OUTI Durham which means that only a simple majority vote is required for the D cakaway ast revers some uncertainty of Lynk about mis support.

There is a widespread feeling that Lynk could not achieve the two thirds majority required to change area rules.

Ballot

Whilst it would be more democratic to take votes the breakaway proposals branch meetings, where the arguments could be openly presented to the worktorce the hallot nevertheless provide a real campaign.

The campaign must now move into top gear. number of embr rallies, addressed members •TI area leadership loyal to the and by Scargill or Peter Heathfield, are planned to lake place in the mining centres around the contry.

These meetings will culminate in a major na-

Agecroft fights breakaway

support for the Notts

Howells, coordinator of the minority of

•In no way can they get a majority vote to break away and they know it. 'We will campaign as strikers and loyal members

branch and all its members in the national union. We will do this through leaflets, the Lancashire Miner newspaper, and rallies. 'We are inviting Artbur Scargill to speak at a Lancashire Miner rally near the pit. We demand that the labour movement in the North West must make it clerr any breakaway will get " recognition. •It is doubtful that they will get & majority for a breakaway, but they might even break away.with a..

tional rally to take place in Hucknall 24 which will include delega-

from LUIS OLICI areas. Plans are also being made tor a maior take place in the Mansfield area in the final run up to the ballot.

Pressure from other labour movement bodies, and individuals, aimed at isolating the splitters

This week a leaflet explaining the TUC's position has been prepared. points

that 24 meeting of the General

CALS previous position that

bodies from Vicarawal national unions will not be eligible for TUC affiliation. It goes on to urge miners to 'stand by the Na tional Union of Mineworkers.

Alan Simpson, prospective Labour parliamentary candidate

ivoungnam South, has added his voice to the anti-Lynk campaign. In a hard hitting statement he explained to Notts miners that 'breaking from the NUM will only be cutting your own throats finanminority. A branch com mattee member nas alreaos

that if they lose 60:40 they will still go-...cracy!!?

NOTTS

MINERS

FOR THE

cially, politically, and economedy

However although the

getting off ground

rank and fle tivists in the NUM feel that there still much that could be done. They

see this is a campaign that the national union can win

but only if an all out ef-

made to win over the middle

different need to be drawn angrier strands the campaign on an area basis, and in. formation pass rapidly down to activists on the ground.

The Forum

As yet however, the Notts Miners' Forum, the old left organisation in the

rowly based to do this effectively. Its meetings shouid now be thrown open to all those activists within the union who are ready and willing to pitch into the campaign

Positive steps need to be taken to encourage young militants to attend great upholders of 'demo-

and get involved Only in this way can the full potential and dynamism of the miners were backbone of the strike in Nolls e Harnessea to lne full.

Moreover whatever the •Come OT Ine struggle against the split the Forum will form the centre of the new area leadership. What is needed is a leadership on the lines of the national leadership of the NUM one which bases itself on the activism of the membership not one which tends to do business away and apart from the rank and file. Positive steps building such a leadership can and must betaken now.

All told it is going to be

long hard summer Notts. But LIC Call paign against the split drives forward the possibility OI defeating Lynk and his cronies wil increase. If the full potential of the campaign is developed, there is every chance that the outcome of the ballot in Septembe will begin to give the NUM a Notts area of which it can be proud

THE

Notts LPYS

day school

South Nottingham LPYS has responded to the breakaway from the NUM organising an LPYS day SCIODI O1 August to discuss how to defend the national union in Nottingham. The school is also being supported by Nottingham East, Gedling and Broxtowe LPYS's and the East Midlands LPYS regional committee.

The day school will be the first regional LPYS event in our ALC. and will give us the opportunity of working with other YS branches in a common campaign.

the centre of the campargn agains! breakaway and that

also winning young miners to LPYS and it organise against the right wing in the Labour Party and the unions.

The spirit and determination of the young miners in the strike must be harnessed in the fight

keep Notts national. The LPYS is one means

Fresh arks ne

WE'LL

STICK TOGETHER

50 PITS FACE for politically organising them. in the final days before the school we will by be touring the villages in an attempt to mobilise 10 We don't just want the LPYS to lave a good discussion We want it to be part of the fight.

The speakers at the school are from Notts area NUM, Notts Women A gainst Pit Closures, the LPYS na. tional committee, and Graham Naylor Spencerism. also be a video on women

discuss not only how to

The LPYS school will be at the Internationa Communite Centre,

Ligan the Registration starts at starts at 12.30 pm Satur-

By Bernie Kayanagh and Anne Donnells

Nottingham South IPYS, personal capacity)

Mines not missiles

'85

3 Day Free Festival,

24-26 August 24 August: Rally at Snowdown pit, music

and theatre

25 August: Games, children's sports,

videos, exhibitions

26 August: Fun run, speakers and bands

All 3 days: camping, stalls, boot fair

Aylesham Welfare Grounds,

Aylesham, Kent

Details ring 0304-206661 Socialist Action 2 August 1985 3

Page 4 scan of this page

Police riot manual revealed

Socialist Action 2 August 1985

Notts

remember

'DON'T WORRY -we've not forgotten about our friends in Nicaragua.' That is how one Linby miner greeted at strikers' meeting last week.

In spite of the hectic activity of the campaign

he NUM, Notts miner:

still find time to discuss

Nicaraguan Aid Project organised by the Nottingham Central America Solidarity Campaign (CASC).

Members of CASC

returned from Nicaragua been touring the Notts area,

women's groups. In bacular LUCY have been reporting on their USCUSSIULS with the miners of the La Libertad gold mine.

The Nicaraguan miners ALC staunch defenders the revolution, and have told their government that they prepared forgo basic clothing and

resources for fighting the US-backed contras

CASC is asking Notts miners and women - 10 collect items 0 г contribute funds for the

miners at La Liberlad, that boots, overts. safety gloves and helmets can be sent for Nicaragua at the end of the year.

So far, Hucknall Labour Party and Bulwell Labour Party, both run by ex-strikers, have. £30 and £20. Hucknall Labour

organise a public meeting

Nicaragua September.

Several individuals have already donated items to CASC, Campaign has also been asked to send speakers 10 Sutton miners and women, Cotgrave and Gedling Labour Parties, and women activists Blidworth and warsop Their international solidarity time like this is a real tribute to the class conscious and women of Notts NUM and WAPC. attended a sociap on 19 Sixty-five July organised by Nottingham Socialist

supporters celebrate the sixth ALIVE ATY of the Nicaraguan revolution. €50 was raised for Socialist Action funds.

of Commons last week.

that police

The manual was drawn Chiel Police Officers (ACPO). This body has no official status, and

association Britain's top cops. The manual was drawn after the Brixton, Bristol and Toxteth riots in 1981

- and it is probable that it also drew on the experience of the RUC Northern Ireland

The tactics outlined in the manual concern the use of long-shield and short-shield police. long shield used in riots is unsuitable the rapid deployment of police, and the strategy is for the longshield police to provide the

tion, while short-shield ponce act as snatch sauads and dispersal units.

The include details of how police

Wrexham rally

'JOBS not jail'

meeting in Wrexham

on 17 July - organis-

ed by Wrexham and

Chester miners sup-

port groups — was ad-

dressed by TGWU

leader Ron Todd, a

sacked miner from

Staffordshire, and

local speakers.

While defending the THOR

breaking the law Ron

Todd disappointed many

Sections of this

miners' strike

are deal

I'he manual states, under

that: 'On the command, the shortshield officers will run forward either through and/or round the long shields into the crowd for not more than 30 yards. They disperse the crowd and incapacitate missileLowes and by striking in a controlled manner with batons about the arms and legs or tor-

The instructions 'disperse and/or incapacitate' are repeated in the manual. That these instructions were carried out with enthusiasm during the strike by the police is in no doubt. Whether blows

*arms and legs or torso' may be left to the imagination.

R eins

RELATIN

VOMEN of the audience by a call for sentencing as an alterHalve to general amnes

This opinion , WaS LOL shared by Eric Lippet, a sacked miner from Staffordshire. never believe them two South Wales lads murderers,' Lippet said to massive applause.

North Wales Bersham Heikindefended Keith Hett both the new rule changes and the lack of a

The Orgreave trial showed, however, that the police

WELC RUI aimed at missile-throwing roters. A kev part of the the media campaign around Orgreave was a BBC video of the 'riot' which showed the police apparently responding to stoning.

Tony Benn pointed out ians slatement oreored prepared for the House of Commons that 'atter the events CYCLILO

Orgreave last year. ministers, police chiefs and the media spoke about the "riot" thai occurred

Indeed, the BBC showed

TV film in which missiles were sech as Delng unrown before the police advanc-

The Crown then decided to prosecute to riot and the case was heard recent v In Sheffield Crown Court...

'Yet when the case police

what had happened was very different, and that the police horses had advanc. ed upon peaceful crowds. some of whom had also been viciously attacked by truncheons wielded by the police,

"This confirmed the information given to me at the time by staff at BBC news that the BBC news

CLOT had deliberately transposed the film he had

received to give the

In March five workers from the Phurnacite plant at Aberewmboi in the Cynon Valley received notice of

their suspension. The following day they received instant dismissal. Their names had been given to the National Smokeless Fuels (NSF) management by Paul Watson the strikebreaker who worked throughout the strike. Watson alleges the five men spat at him and called him a scab.

Bobby nerotter Viv Wais, John Graham James, and Kelvin Bevan now await the hearing an industrial tribunal for which no date RED talked to Annette yet been SUE Roberts, Merrilyn Davies, and Audrey Winterburn from the Abercwmboi

Sacked Miners' Support Group.

The Abercwmboi sup. port group was set up to give moral support those victimised and to raise as much publicity as possible. was the sackings were just to make an example. Joy and Paul Watson received press publicity and support throughout the strike. was no coincidence that the five were suspended

national ballot illustrating the latter point by pointing to the Notts

breakaway Maret,

Joan from poll or ayr women s support group insisted

many unionists had been reminded what the word "trade union' meant during the strike.

Despite disappointment over Todd's stance

beginning to the campaign in the area.

pression that the police charges TOOWED throwing of stones, when the exact opposite had occurred.'

The manual, much of which is still secret, has

adopted by the Home Office and will be in regular use. The instructions in the manual are in clear breach of of-

nationally publicised

the day after there was national television news coverage of an incident with Joy Watson on the picket line: " The Sun headline read "Thugs and bully boys.

Annette Roberts explained the events leading up to the dismissals. 'After the return to work Watson was normally accompanied to the baths of the plant by the shift manager. But on this day he refused it. He walked into the plant across the line of thirty men and then back out again.

'He then approached the manager to complaint. Watson alleged he had been spat at and called a scab.

'Watson was checked for spittle but was clean

did distress. He then gave the names of the five men. All of them were very strong supporters of the strike and had been on the picket lines.'

men from the Phurnacite came out immediately they knew the men had been sacked along with other pits in the area. But the NSF said they would not negotiate at all if the men stayed out. So at a meeting the unior advised the men to go back.

The Phurnacite lodge

supporting the men's claim for reinstatement allu. least until the

ficially declared police regulations the deliberate attempt to incapacitate "ringleaders' is intended to injure and intimidate demonstrators

The doctored BBC

was a basis for the

at rereave and the about

'violence'. But women are weekly and

at meetings and All the money raised is for

glving

- the five have their jobs

support group made badges the Phurner

poetry book

for the

with the union from Anne Clwyd, MP for the Cynon women's support

News

these revelations show that it was the stale and lIk police which caused the riot. They also show that methods of policin developed in Ireland have come to BriLall lo stay.

The Labour movement must demand the publication of this police manual in full.

sidering a lobby of Parliament-around amnesty.

Merrilyn explained how they saw action as urgent: "If we don't act soon there will be no pits left. It's no good just talk: ing - we should be doing something

'Penrhiweiber and Bedwas are being closed. I feel strongly about how the valleys are being run into the ground. Things are be ing taken and not replaced. Soon there will be no men left to argue for action in the lodges.

All the women felt that associate membership of the NUM for the women's support groups would be a good thing - but were rather sceptical of the role women would be allowed to play in the area. 'When it comes to something important they tell us to shut up. The only time they take notice is when they want something done.'

Whatever the outcome of the appeal the women's organisation agrees that it is here to stay. The laun ching of the national Scargill, they feel, will give them more scope and perhaps stir people up

Merrilyn summed up their view again: "There is plenty to fight for. Arthur Scargill was right when he said seventy pits would close. South Wales has always been so militant I think they just want to get rid of us.

'People say we're go ing to damage the cause by making a fuss. What are

doing damage? There will be nothing let soon. How can we do more damage than they are?' • To contact the campaign phone 0443 472179

Page 5 scan of this page

The SDP and the TUC

News

the press headlines in the last weeks.

the Labour Party and to

SDP-Liberal Alliance.

wing inside the TUC.

An interesting feature of the EETPU-Eddie Shah no-strike last week was the direct role played

selling I Bor the SDP. two members

Lord Harris of Greenwich, a director of Shah's Messenger group and an SUF member, arranged the meeting between the

and Shah through John Grant ex-Labour MP, the EETPU's press officer, and a fellow SDP Michoer

The SDP also moved in rapidly to the

CADIUIL breakaway from the NUM in Notts. It won two local vall uy-cicciu

Labour, Mansfield LL U1 and Ashfield, following Lynk's

Cl1° OI the breakaway. The SDP's policy Wch clear support for Lynk and the breakaway.

Finally the Alliance also jumped immediately into the fight in the TUC over postal ballots. On Tuesday last week, following up the story of that in the Financial which appeared in the Times for a split of the Tuc bet- David Steel called ween 'an open minded progressive group ready to talk to the Alliance and the government as well as Labour and an old naNnOnedA SOCRASZEII which revolves around LalOu DUlLES.

Steel stated the Alliance was ready to talk to either the old TUC or a 1CW group VIUEICSSLYC both. He an- VlU!

a meeting with the TUC to Norman Willis but would

Iso De naDoy lo meet Wil the LUEW EETPU, or the Notts breakaway. Liberals

Steel announced that he would be speaking at a fringe meeting of Liberal trade unionists to be held at this year's TUC congress.

But these recent and open initiatives are just the CulLILALl a long term orientation towards the right wing of the TUC

the Allance. The policies of *new realism' aill the ALLIVELICS of 'Mainstream' are not just confined to the economic field. They are inseparable from a new relationship in politics to the Labour party and to the Alliance.

Right from its beginning the SDP sought to take Ho me the EETPU lodestep

- as wef as those of the Conservative Trade Unionists (the two being almost identical on the question anti-union laws). February 1982 the SDP launched a three

THE BREAKAWAY in Notts, the no-strike deal between the EEPTU and Eddie Shah, and the row in the TUC over the AUEW's acceptance of government funds for postal ballots, have been the rightwing moves in the trade unions which have captured

But the TUC's right wing is not just putting forward a policy for the unions. It aims to change the entire relationship of the trade union movement to

open up the way for political collaboration between the unions and the

JOHN ROSS looks at the political strategy of the Alliance and its links to the development of the right

point programme calling industrial attack on pation, an on the political levy ano the in troduction of compulsory secret ballots

yeat SDP issued 'Green Paper calling addition for compulsory DECIELDUSI DALIULIOT all internal union elections and LIDUISUIY ballots before strikes.

In addition to backing these measures long utilis EETPU and right wing, the SDP also clearly prioritised a long term strategy of making links with certain union leaderships. The SDP recruited as trade officer Halmos — a member the red. lohn Gran the John Grant MP the same Grant who later set up the deal with Shal became chair of the Association of Socia Democratic Trade Unionists. Grant was long term personal friend of Frank Chapple

White Paper

The SDP also rapidly began to tailor its policies a vocal specific targetted unions. The December 1982 SDP 'White r'aper anti-union laws contained one significant difterence conpared to the September Green Paper of the same year namely that allowed unions to con. tinue to appoint general John Torode soa clallco. in The Guardian explained the shift as being due to lne raci tnat 'tne oDr nas set its sights NALGO and NALGO is wedded to the appontments system.

By September 1983 Shirley Williams could claim al the SDP ference that 15 trade unions, two million workers, had responded in one form o

Oorward by pre SDP tot

forward SDP trade union 'reform'. The unions were reported bj une rararar tmeo mn clude the AUEW NALGO, NUT, Nationa of choolmasters and Union Women Teachers, the Bakers Union, United Transport Union, Communication Managers ASOCAGO Amalgamated Textile Workers Union, and the First Division Association ine June 1983 election however which saw the Alance for the first time getting open political support from sec-

toes of trade winlon

the trade vulcauclacy. Publicity was given to the call of the New Salesman tor vote.

Duffy and Hammond

SINESS SUMMARY

Electricity

prices "to

fall steadily'

Fi eras ctween gee should Cand ONE OF the organisa-

tions within the TUC

which has been greater Pootsbrenkaway frome prominence by

the NUM 'Main-

stream'. Because

Mainstream has as its

vice chair Prendergast

- the co-leader with

Lynk of the Notts

split.

chairperson

Mainstream Terry

Duffy TEIT cene ete by fight in

AUEW's decision

take funds nde AleM and

EETPU are the chief

of Mainstream although only the

EETPU Notts

breakaway are affiliated

as a wuole.

claims members from the

edeKu raam0n

LIEDTS,

for the Liberals and SNP

certain constituencies

Ine Calll The Guardian for an Alliance

SLADOU more significant Frank Chapple Cee o a voe for SDP candidate John Grant Islington, and Roy Grantham general secretary of APEX, issued a call for a vote for a series

Liberal candidates well as Labour. Following Grant's defeat the general election pres poen apponted oof the EETP S the him nicer first SDP appointment in a Hla O1 ul.

BY JOHN LLOYD, INDUSTRIAL EDITOR TWO OF the main r

What is 'Mainstream'?

Mainstream nade no

statement last week tha1

Prendergast would be

removed from his posi-

tion in the event of a

break with the NUM and

the TUC. Un ine con

trary Prendergast ex-

pressed confidence to the

press that even if the

breakaway were placed

outside the TUC it would

remain wilt Main-

stream. of Ihe chief forces

aito been consolidatie

been consolidating

their links on policy with

the smaller managers and

uitra-skilled white collar

Lase weeks ine Bric.

British

Association of Colliery

Management (BACM)

followed the AUEW and

EETPU in defying TUC

policy and applying for

governmen money to

und postal ballots

Other unions

reported by the Financial

In September 1983 the SDP achieved its first suc cess in gaining a formal meeting with a union when the leadership of the National Association of Schoomasters and Union of Women Teachers agreed to meet Owen. the same month the NALGO executive voted by a narrów majority to meet the SDP leader.

In addition to these specitic forma contacts with union leaderships Owen helped maintain his relations with individual union leaders after the 1983 election through his

luesday July

Two big craft unions

prepared to set up

body to rival TUC

leavinz an a halinar in trom the TUC. This would? How last week's Financial Times saw the divisions in the TUC

Times last Saturdas

likely to apply for Tory funds for ballots are the Engineers'

and Man.

Association, the

British Airline Pilots' Association, the merchant shipping officers association NUMAST, and the top civil servants union the First Division Association. These latter organisations have combined membership wILi the BACM, of 101,000.

Finally the EETPU is now prepared to make contact with other parely union busting organisations as well as Prendergast and Lvnk.

"Professiona| ociation of Teachers', the 34,000 stong anti-strike organisation education, announced on Friday that it would be having talks with the EETPU over how to ap-

continuing membership of the Labour Committee for Transatlantic Understanding. Other acaDers this committee included Frank Chapple, Terry Duffy, Sirs : of the ISTC Kate Losinska of the CPSA and Gerry Eastwood of the Association of Patternmakers and Allied Craftsmen. 'Fair Votes' inginged formel which also included Labour foreign secretary Lord Stewart and former

David Owen

Up

defel

/quot

de

ply no-strike deals and to teachers

Peter Dawson, the general secretary of the association explicitly motivated the talks with the EETPU as a response

no strike deal which had been signed with Shah.

The role of Mainstream is therefore clear. It links together not only the right lintde the rind unions but is also prepared to cooperate fully with purely organisa tions outside it. It con

prepared to do deals with the Alliance and to question the TUC's links with Labour.

'Mainstream' gives the measure of just how far Hammond, Duffy and Co are prepared to

Labour leader of the House of Lords Lord Peart, had been . originally set up through Joe God. son, ihe former labour attaché at the US embassy in London.

More significantly the SDP gained influential backing for its 'campaign for fair votes launched after the June election. This was initially launched with ov chairperson and with the support of Frank Chapple In October 1983 Gavin b ADER, SOOUO neral secretary of

Socialist Action 2 August 1985 that he was accepting L post of vice-chair of campaign Earlier April 1982 the AUE had considered altering i rules so that it could gi financial backing to no Labour Party MPs.

The most open call all for unions 1 weaken their links wil Labour, however Cone. a centre-page article wr

for The Time Jur 1983 with Chapple,

usual, being prepared|

blaze the way for other:

Chapple argued th the introduction of pr portional representatio would probably mean thi • a socialist - bov erected could never elected and that: "I am convince that it will not be lor • before some rank-and-fi members start suggestir G that instead of giving ol

to no-hop Labour party, ; donate it to the cause ‹ tion ortonal represent

Chapple conclude that "both wings of th movement will have to b mure Hue idc l oerr

and that: 'If Lau ul veu consel ly tied to the raili, e coul aare urge

our members to vote SD or Liberal if they had beller chance of winning Over and over again oL loyalty to Labour let th Tories in on 9 June. US unions

The miners" strike pro vided a further key oppo tunity for the SDP to pus forward its orientation the right wing of th bureaucracy. Already April 1984, with the stri only one month old, B NOLee reucu Lit for unions to reconsid their relationship with tt Labour Party - claimir that: 'American trad

now under tr shrewd leadership of Lar Kirkland, have no c01 stitutional relationshi with the Democratic Pan and choose where to plas LN eN support. tin has coa sini ar rile for e has come to seriously trade unions here.

The SDP conference i September 1984 organise a conference floor colle LTOH E Ф] Cune 'Nation Working Miners' Con mittee. The SDP als organised a conferenc fringe meeting for the sca organisation - the "con mittee' being publical praised at the conferenc by Williams and Rodger The current support of th SDP for Lynk flos directly from thes developments.

There tanding w misunderstanding 15 involved with ne realism and Mainstream nol just à trade policy. It is an enti

close

inked with the develo, ment of the SDP-Liber Alliance. Its final goa

relation

Party and a coaliti

overment bes

bOtr Party

Page 6 scan of this page

Imperialisn South Afric

THE POLICY of the Reagan

inistration has been

okescreen to hide total complicity

Pretoria. Morenver, the

listic' declarations by government

danes mce esen kareretul

fact that the essential thing for them

safeguarding the imperialist

ests in the country by maintaining

stability of the present regime.

ester Crocker, US under-secretary

ate for African affairs, outlined the

administration's

'In South Africa, country in this region, it is not up to us o choose between Blacks and whites. in this rich state, inhabited by such a iverse and talented population, imporant Western interests are at stake in the aconomic and strategic spheres, as well

ne moa or Donucal. are not to undertake any action that pouid aggravate the terrible ditficulties ifflicting South Africans, regardless of heir race.

This policy no longer has the.con"dence of a section of the American suling class. But wildi dIc casons for this evolution?

The fact is that the US Congress decisions come after an unprecedented psurge of anti-apartheid ions in the United States. osember 1984, a continual sit-in has een maintained in front of the South \frican embassy in Washington. At the

time, agitation deausi retoria regime has been assuming a

road scope on several university cam-

and eleven municipal governnents have decided to break off their inancial relations with US companies stablished in South Africa.

There is no doubt that the Congress nok account oi these moduisanons, as

ell as of the pressures brought to bear South Africa and solutions aimed at acification in southern Africa. In both

ble The elections for the 'coloured'

ad 'Indian' chambers were met with

nobilisations and strikes of the op-

Secause they no longer believe in this

inforcement of the pro-South African

ISIHAA

Geif Oil's installations in the province

COCAIS CuCE

y for a new wave of US investment in

egola and Mozambique and to enable

chiered because of the extent of the patradictions at work, the upsurge of

and the

arlem of human rights, that underlie

Dada miserable

radicalisation a sulule

in-

found one.

policy the DOS LIOI

the dominant Moreover, on

meeting of major

stituted in South Africa We must take

Wing:

British - Shell, Rio Tinto Zinc;

the real Urban

ATACAS meeting was by former Prime Heath and attended

mobilisa- preacher Leon Sullivan.

Since

There are, first

big Saxon origin

SUILI "verligte"("enlightened") "verkrampte"

MUIC Palulalld bourgeois currents.

anticlil

o voco lne

The imperialist governments have realised that South Africa may now be plunged into a situation of large-scale social confrontations accompanied by

of the Black population. The sort of threats Fabius made are only anomner mudaleq move that indicates that the imperialists are looking for a solution but have not

The debates in the US Congress and

LaKCll bv the French authorities are at least indicative of the concerns felt in some imperialist circles.

7-8 March 1985, British, US and South African companies took place in Leeds Castle in Britain. On this occasion, all these charming people had to discuss the reforms that had to be in-

According to the financial Times the companies involved were the follow-

Caltex, MIODII. General Motors, Control Data, and Merks;

BP, GEC, Barclays, South African Barlow Rand, Anglo Vaal, and South

Foundation. reportedly presided over Minister Edward by AnICnCau

The debate is a constant one within the South African bourgeoisie itself.

of all, differences among the Liberals and nationalists, which partially reflect the division bet-

finance capital of Angloand the Afrikaaner bourgeoisie. Then, on top of this, there

between and the ("hard line") wings of the nationalist camp, between those who want to propose some face-lifting

that the two traditional alignments in the white bourgeoisie are evolving. The Botha regime has been obliged to adjust on the political and social level to major changes in the South African industrial structure and economy over the

cepted 'liberal' measures such as granting new rights to unions, it has had to

order to contam a growine mass movement. It is, thus, the objective situation that is forcing the regime to try to feel its way, seeking to combine some major

developments in the country, however, is not a simple task when the reforms are coming too late and the mass move-

sclidiol. ment is advancing steadily. All this is little by little upsetting the traditional

ror the moment there is a regroupment "at the centre"

LUIl-

more and more inclined to flirt with a wing of the Black movement. But this

fluid since we are now seeing a sort of nemannaanon or lok cesae lr the imperialist camp itself, there is now

ana a

cient to explain the sudden eruption of

these discussions is a political dispute

put pressure on Pretoria to calm ine situation down. dt is to coopt a part of the Black movement and divert it. it l5 to divide the movement and hitch a sec-

and

tion of it to a long-term perspective of a

begun this work of division. Edward Kennedy's trip to South Africa early in Reverend Allan Boesak, was one of the organisers of this junket. where Boesak lives, the UDF organisec a public meeting with Kennedy. Winnie

was also one of the supporters of this tour, and she accepted a bust of John F. Kennedy from the US

Debate

support the Kennedy operation, it did

either. Tutu explained, for his part, that the demonstrations gave de facto aid and comfort to the federation, the CUSA, part in a meeting with Kennedy.

rorum Committee and some unons regarded the senator as an imperialist agent and did not support this opera-

Oscar Mpetha, the chair of the UDF, refused to share a platform

among the various currents. amone the

an operation suçn as ene Kennedy trip was well timed to exacer-

From Paris to Washington, what the imperialists are interested in now is dividing the mass movement and consolidating a moderate current around the churches and a section of the UDE. All the speechifying about economic sanctions against South Africa is a necessary phase in this strategy

was

involved

Ever since the question of boycott

raised, racist regime responded by explaining that what was

was an nst Senin Africa. Com munist plot against South Moreover, the main victims of a boycott would be the Black workers themselves

The US administration was also

Page 7 scan of this page

South Africa in the last four years than in the thirty before.'

To justify its government financed a study by Professor Laurence Schlemmer of the Institute of Social Research at the University of Natal in South Africa on the attitude of the Blacks in the country

the withdrawal

Not unexpectedly, this study came to the conclusion that three fourths of Blacks are opposed to disinvestment. This finding, however, disputed to a large extent by another academic, Herman Giliomee, of the University of the Cape and by a series of articles in the independent press.

The imperialists and their retainers

their hands about created by the multinationals. They pretend not to know that these companies invest in the country of apartheid for reasons that have to do with the rate of profit. The rate of profit has begun to drop sharply, and it is not the boycott campaign but simply capitalism that are the reason why foreign companies their capital. None of these companies is worried about the unemployment this is producing.

The economic crisis now gripping South Africa is sharply reducing the possibilities of a number of companies to rake in superprofits. Ford and Coca Cola have announced that they are going to trim their interests African companies

. SEVEN holders.

Carolina clothing manufacturer,

alla high-technology Perkin Elmer, have sold off all their holdings. Several such as Associated British Foods and ICL, have done the same.

Disinvestment

According to The Economist, more inan tnirty American companies have withdrawn from South 1980. All this is mainly due to the recession, and nobody in the capitalist world has had anything to say about its consequences for the jobs of Blacks.

Another argument that is generally used to justify and defend investment in South Africa is that the foreign companies bring a positive pressure to bear on working

Codes of Conduct' itiated to favour such a policy. One example the Sullivan

American companies. known for a long time that these rules have seldom been followed, if at all.

A recent report on the 107 British idy to pick up this argument. George companies working In hultz, speaking on April 16 to the points up the number of violations of tional Press Club in Washington, ex- the EEC ined that sanctions would lead us to pay less than the subsistence wage to effective that would 1,700 of their employees. lengthen the resistance to change pay less than the EEC bre than the forces of reform.' He wage to about 9,000 of their workers. ded: "There has been more change in Among twenty out of 107 companies

recognise the Moreover, à report

of notes that the number of workers paid

less than the subsistence wage is now growing.

All these facts do not do much to confirm any "positive" effects for the Black workers of the operations of foreign companies in South Africa. Popular

Most Black organisations and per-

sonalities have come out in tavour ol

the boycott of South Africa. They have

generally argued

negative consequences it might have for

the workers, it would be a 'short-term

pain for the sake of a long-term gain.

Bishop Tutu himself has supported

the idea of disinvestment it certain con-

ditions are not met in the next 18 to 24

months.

up behind the boycott position. Finally,

a number of the independent nonracial

unions that today organise hundreds of

thousands of workers are in favour of

Photo: GM COOKSON this policy. The biggest federation, the

CUSA, has, however, declared through

its chair that it is in favour of "selective

disengagement"

The second lärgest federation, the

FOSATU, has given a thoroughgoing

explanation. ole!'s

bovcott. In a resolution adopted in

position, ine US

of foreign

has been

jobs

the laws of

withdrawing in South and OCCOLLIE North Blue firm,

companes Africa since conditions and the laws

were in fact in-

Code for But is has been

THE USU

South Africa tories, code. Seven firms reportedly

ly in

Thirty-nine all." recommended

independent.

commerce and industry

that despite The ANC has also long lined

support the

April 1984, it declared "FOSATU as a trade union organisation which is concerned with jobs and the livelihood of its members has to give careful consideration to the question of disinvest-

However, it is FOSATU's considered view that the pressure disinvestment has had a positive effect and should therefore not be lessened. FOSATU is definitely foreign investment that accepts the conditions of oppression maintained this regime. FOSATU is, however, also clear that its own focus of attention

be the building workers' that can set the terms of foreign investment and ultimately ensure that the fac-

machines and buildings presentSouth Africa will be retained in Sputh Africa to the ultimate benefit of

The other aspect of the problem up for discussion in the trade union and

tion for the The

for

opposed

dustries by

Peace of a strong South Africa

substituting

political movement is the argument that attributes to the boycott a positive func-

development of African capitalism in the narrow sense.

example generally given is the 'Rhodesia' of lan Smith's time. After the British took a certain number measures designed to force their rebel colony to yield, we saw the development of a whole series of substitution in-

and the development Rhodesian industrial bourgeoisie.

In the imperialist camp itself comments have been made that the embargo on shipments of oil and arms to South Africa has already enabled the country to develop two major import

industries. The chemical complex makes it possible for Pretoria to convert coal into petroleum

arms exporter.

the inflows

arguments. GM COOKSON total boycott of the

South

Photo:

as manganese.

the country. So, governments and the

It is

the

Solidarity

vestments South

true. for example,

of

keeping African fuel.

of a

branches French banks are financing projects or

theid. should be set

jective, in any case, is utopian. Sasol

workers'

that they

throw this system.

bourgeois Democratic governments. with sp tho Anti-Apart

products, and the country is now an

The argument that the boycott aids the local bourgeoisie, however, is a fee. ble one. In fact, it has been possible for South Africa to compensate in this way only because the boycott has not halted

of foreigr capital and technological inputs into South Africa.

The movement in solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa does not have to get involved in economists'

Whic could think moreover, that we are going to see a real

South Africar economy by the imperialist countries What is more, it has to be realised that a real boycott would have as bad effects for the world imperialist economy as

Africa alone. The latter is, fact, the Western world's major sup plier of gold. It is also the major sup plier of rare metals such as platinum and palladium and strategic ones such

La strangling of the racist regime could in the very short term open up a revolutionary situation

Ine imperialist multinationals have no interest in a real boycott.

not therefore very useful to have a debate on the effects that such a boycott could have, if, by some miracle

Never came to deplore apartheid to that extent.

The question of the boycott has to be looked at from a political point of view. Any such campaign is a way to show the complicity of the imperialists with the racist state and the fact that apartheid is fundamentally an instrument of capitalist superexploitation.

The first objective of boycott campaigns is, therefore, to denounce the in-

multinationals South Africa and to show that only the pressure of the mass movement - ano not any human-rights ethics of such companies — can force them to retreat.

In some cases, boycott campaigns can be very easily linked to the needs of the workers' movement itsell. This is

as regards South African shipments of coal to countries such as Great Britain and France, where the authorities are closing pits : while

up their imports of South The banks can also be easily exposed by showing that the South African

British, American, military Dens useu channels through which industrialists can place investments in South Africa for a while and exploit all the advantages of apar-

These are the sort of aims that for the boycott campaigns, and not that of strangling the local economic system. The latter ob-

It is necessary above all to link such concrete support campaigns the

and people's organisations that are fighting in South Africa. Both things can be done at once because the

problem is not to convince the racists

should "democratise' the society. It is to help the oppressed over-

In this way, boycott campaigns can

be kept clear of the demagogy of

democrats anu Social A boycott serves no purpose unless it is a means for the workers' and anti-imperialist movement to offer concrete solidarity to the South African mass movement.

AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

FRIDAY 9 AUGUST 7pm

ISLINGTON TOWN HALL

UPPER STREET LONDON NI

Tors from SWAP od movamont and the Al

INTERNATIONAL DAY OF

SOLDAY WITH THE

WOMEN OF SOUTH AFRICA

marched on Pee mal

Page 8 scan of this page

8

CERTAIN professional ultraleft phrasemongers are attempting at

all cost to "correct' the theses of the secretariat of the Fourth In-

ternational on war in accordance

with their own ossified judices.

The theses state: "The proletariat

of a capitalist country that finds itself in an alliance with the USSR must retain tuily and completely its irreconcilable hostility to the imperialist government of its own country. this sense its policy will not differ from that of the proletariat in a country fighting against the USSR. But in the nature of the practical actions considerable differences

tion.'

consider postulate, has been oy the

point of the

that should the of the answer

with the Italian rebellious

time,

would be

unionists not proletarian revolutionists.

At the

faced would be compelled to exert every effort to block the shipment of ammunition intended for use against the rebels. Only such a policy on the part of the italan and Hrench constitutes the policy of revolutionary mtertanonalisin.

Does this not signify, however, that the Italian workers moderate their struggle in this event against the fascist regime? Not in the slightest.

Rules

Fascism renders Algerians only in order to weaken its enemy, France, and to rapacious hand on her colonies. revolutionary Italian workers do not forget this for a single moment. They

upon the Algerians not to trust HieT treacherous ally' and same time continue their own irreconcilable struggle against fascism, my m ne own country. Only in this way can they gain the confidence of the rebels, rebellion, and strengthen revolutionary position.

If the above is correct

na cartimewhy does it become false

wartime?

Does the proletariat in peacetime reject and sabotage all the acts and measures of the bourgeois government? Even during a strike which embraces an entire city, the workers take measures to insure the delivery of food to their own districts, make sure that they have water, hospitals do not suffer, etc. measures are dictated not by opportunism in relation to the bourgeoisie but by concern for the interests of the strike itself, by concern for the sympathy of the submerged city masses,

These clementary rules of proletarian strategy in peacetime retain full force in time of war as well.

Socialist Action 2 August 1985

problems.

Innuence the

Wilal lucy are dews.

may arise class struggle

this

entire

Since

country. rebellion

What the

in the affir-

and the would spurn

wretched

wins nut

whatsoever,

workers 'aid' to the

its 'national' army.

The

at the

'the calamities. help the Idiots

their own

in

while maintaining their

troops.

that the

Such the practical measures bourgeois government.

the workers

ONE OF the major problems faced by the Marxist left in Britain is its sectarian 'oppositionist' stance and way of approaching political

This characteristic has its base in

the long isolation of Marxism as a

current in Britain from any ability to

mass working class struggle. Marxism in Britain has so

long been forced to be an opposition

it thinks like one. It is a method of the

thought which leads Marxists not to

starting with what they stand for but way,

In periods of stagnation of the this made little dif-

ference. In the overwhelming bulk of

cases the working class movement is

opposed to the actions taken by the

bourgeoisie. In virtually every major

struggle in the last sixty years in Bri-

Lain lat working class was sold oul Di

The

left

must

learn

to

think

An irreconcilable attitude again:. bourgeois militarism does not signify at all that the proletariat in all cases enters into a struggle against its own

. At least the workers would not interfere with soldiers who are extinguishing a fire or rescuing drowning people during a flood; on the contrary, they would help side by side with the soldiers and fraternise with them. And the question is not exhausted merely by cases of natural

If the French fascists should make an attempt today at a coup d'etat and the Daladier government found itself forced to move troops against the fascists, the revolutionary workers,

political independence, would fight agalst me rasciss alongsae lnese

Thus in a number of cases the workers are forced not only to permit and tolerate, but actively to support

of the

In ninety cases out of a hundred

actually place a minus sign where the bourgeoisie places a traitors

But tell casts nowever tney are forced to fix the same sign as the bourgeoisie but with their own seal, in

its leadership. In that situation starting off by opposition did not actually lead to vast errors.

But where such a way of thinking becomes disastrous is when there are positive developments in the class important situations. Then, starting off by 'opposition' leads to disastrous sectarian errors.

We have seen this recently with tremendously sectarian responses to

develoment of the FSLN Nicaragua. It was seen, in a different

responses Scargill leadership of the NUM during the Scargill wing of the NUM to the miners' strike.

If Marxism is to emerge serious force in the workers' ment the left has to learn to think for itself and what it positively stands for

for without that it cannot hope to which is expressed their mistrust of the bourgeoisie. The policy of the proteianat is not at or automaticall derived from the policy of the bourgeoisie, bearing only the posite sign (this would make sectarian a master strategist). No, the revolutionary orient itself independently in the internal as well as in the external situation, arriving at those decisions which correspond best to the interests of the proletariat. This rule applies just as much to the war period as to the period of peace.

Let us imagine that in the next European war the Belgian proletariat conquers power sooner than the proletariat of France. Undoubtedly Hitler will try to crush proletarian Belgium. In order to cover up its own flank, the French bourgeois government might find itself compelled to help the Belgian workers' government with arms.

The Belgian soviets of course reach for these weapons with both hands. But, actuated by the principle of defeatism, perhaps the rrench workers ought to block their bourgeoisie from shipping arms to proletarian Belgium? Only direct

For out-and-out idiots can reason thus

The French bourgeoisie could send arms to proletarian Belgium only

lead the working class.

In Trotsky's words, in the article below, "The policy of the proletariat

not at all automatically trom the poicy bearing only the opposite sign.' Marx. ists 'must each (themselves) independently in the internal as well as in the external situation. arrivine at those decisions whici correspond best to the interests of the proletariat.'

In This article, Think was written by Trotsky in 1938. But its words are profoundly relevant wing's to the Marxist left in Britain: a left that finally must hegemonic leading force in and not just as a corporate 'opposi-

lead the labour movement for ever.

The article was written on the eve of World War II and that determines its subject matter.

out of fear of the greatest military

danger and only in

later crushing the proletarian revolu-

tion with their own weapons. To the op French workers, on the contrary, pro.

letarian Belgium is the greatest sup.

port in the struggle against their own

bourgeoisie.

Correct

The outcome of the struggle

would be decided,

analysis, by the relationship of forces,

into which correct policies enter as a

very important ractor.

tionary party's first task is to utilise

the contradiction between two im-

perialist countries, France and Ger-

many, in order to save proletarian

Belgium.

Ultraleft scholastics think not in

concrete terms but in empty abstrac-

tions. They have transformed the idea

ot detentism

They can see vividly neither the pro-

cess of war nor the process of revolu-

tion. They seek a hermetically sealed

formula which excludes fresh air. But

a formula of this kind can offer no

orientation

vanguard.

To carry the class struggle to its

highest form - civil war - this is the

task of defeatism. But this task can be

derived •or me bourgeolsie Ill peacetime"

time orient

this

entitled Learn

success. assured

emerge as

letarian 'patriotic sufficient.

Arms tionary

TEOUL LU expectation of in the final SUCT a vacuum.

for the proletarian une she.

Surplus Value

solved only through the revolutionary mobilisation of the masses, that is, by widening, deepening, and sharpening those revolutionary methods constitute lne content or class struggic

The proletarian party does not resort to artificial methods, such as burning warehouses, setting off bombs, wrecking trains, etc. in order to bring about the defeat of its own government. Even if it were successful

Broad, the military defeat would not at all lead to revolutionary

success which can be only by the independent movement of the proletariat.

Revolutionary defeatism signifies only that in its class struggle the pro-

party does not stop at any considerations, since defeat of its own imperialist government, brought about or hastened by the revolutionary movement of the masses, is an imcomparably lesser evil tal victory galled ar te price Ol la tional unity, that is, the political prostration of the proletariat. Therein les the complete meaning of defeatism and this meaning is entirely

of course, when the struggle enters the openly revolutionary phase. Civil war is a war, and in this aspect has its parti

other forms of military. 'sabotage' are decided by purely military considerations - civil war continues revolu-

However, during the imperialist war there may be revolutionary party will be forced to

do not as yet follow direct v trom the revolutionary move ment in their own country. Thus, if it is a question of sending arms or troops against a workers' government or a rebellious colony, not only such methods as boycott and strike, but direct miltiary sabotage may become

measures will be a matter of practical

ing power in wartime, have their own military agents or would be the duty of these agents not order to stop Hitler's troops. It is ab. solutely clear that the revolutionary German workers are also duty bound (if they are able) to perform this task in the interests of the Belgian revolution, irrespective of the general course

Defeatist policy, that is, the policy of irreconcilable class struggle in war-

callul same' in all countries, policy of the proletariat cannot be the

intern of the epigones has established a regime in which the parties of all

tempted more than once to prove tha the general principles and tasks must be realised in each country in accordance with its internal and external

- LaL Is — will be caught unawares

• war. Their policy in time of war will be a fatal consummation of theit policy in peacetime. The first artillery shots will either blow the ultraleftists

drive them into the camp of social anarchists, those absolute 'deniers' of

the same reasons bourgeois ministers

policy in wartime one must learn to

Page 9 scan of this page

International

COSTA RICA SOCIALISTS in Britain tend to assume that Nicaragua is a unified country with a Spanish speaking people who all participated in the revolutionary struggle which led to the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in July 1979.

The reality however is more complex. history of Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua deserves more attention because of what it teaches us about the complex problems taced by the. FSLN and the rights of ethnic minorities in a revolution.

The Atlantic coast was a British protectorate throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, porated into Nicaragua in 1984. The population coast speaks English and includes other Indian peoples.

aThe Atlantic coast was ternatically isolated by ine sonora dictatorship from the rest Nicaragua. It is one of the chief areas of activity of the US-backed "contra' forces. The FSLN has had to learn drastically new methods of organisation and work on the Atlantic coast to deal with the problems it confronts.

MARY BUSHEY, a Miskitu Indian, spent two weeks in Manchester recently develop the friendship agreement signed between chester Council and her own town, Puerto Cabezas, the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua in the province of Zelaya Norte. A very modest woman, Mary rarely talked about herself. did not participate in the revolution, she said, I only made a few bombs.

Mary Bushey one oi the ? Miskitus who compose the directive board of MISATAN, a newly created Miskite organisation in support of the revolution.

She was the main speaker at a successfut rally on 19 July in Manchester Town Hall, with Betty Heathfield, Graham Stringer, Lade l Manchester Council, and Maria from the Brazilian Workers Party.

SOCIALIST ACTION interviewed Mary Bushey on the current situation in Nicaragua and the situation of the Atlantic Coast in particular.

YOU come from Zelaya Norte on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua. Can you first explain what is the present situation in Nicaragua?

The present situation is very tense, very difficult. The trade embargo is : affecting us economically. Even to provide ine dany loou tot the population is becoming difficult. I understand that the government has decided to stop a lot of social work and cultural activities because all efforts are subsistence agriculture to feed the population and the defence of the country.

The US government has launched the trade embargo and given more aid to the contras based in Honduras and Costa Rica, which has made them more powerful with renewed equipment and arms.

The contras have launched major

Ine communities villages which are on the borders with Costa Rica and Honduras. This includes villages on the Atlantic Coast.

But the people of Nicaragua have stepped up defence, both the regular army and the militias, and they have been fighting back the contras destroying some of their camps.

You are also a Miskitu Indian, involyed in the struggle of the Miskitu people. Can you describe your situation? We, the Miskitu people, have suffered historical discrimination and separation from the rest of the country. This

Militia women from sys-

started in colonial days and was increased during the Somoza dictatorship. Obviously the revolution herited a very poor country, but the

the Pacific Coast.

Although we have a lot of natural resources which could enable us to get out of our underdevelopment,

capacity to develop the region.

The United States chose the Miskitu people and other

ple to produce their own food because the land which is good for agriculture on the river banks is infested by con-

these lands. A lot of the food supplies depend on the government's subsidies and distribution, but transportation is a great problem and food allocated to Alves the fishermen get kidnapped if they go out fishing and the timber and mining activities have been virtually stopped because of the aggression.

the health

work with the little they human beings, are afraid to die, to be raped or kidnapped by the contras.

and education campaigns as targets, to intimidate the people against being

MISATAN, the Miskitu organisation, was formed a year ago. What have you

oraganisation of the Miskitu people, my main interest is to give testimony for the Miskitu people on the Atlantic

throuehout long vears and about the

Miskitu families are suffering because

MISATAN was created on the 22nd July 1984 after a long period of organisation. We started tirst with the structures of the communities which were developed until we reached the point when we could organise an assembly and choose the name of the organisation and elect a leadership. We aim to carry out the work that the Miskitu people organisation do that MISATAN is opposed to other

history of the Miskitu people which have all been created top down.

Nicaraguas

MISATAN 1S

community, 1111-

people. its programme,

the Miskitu people who went to places, , to other countries.

government

traitors and who are the instrument. we talk about the Indian

had been

nave as the Miskitu are the most important

we talk about Miskitu Indians, we do

blood and race we are not pure any

meone who speaks Miskitu as her oi his first language, who identifies as a

traditions and customs of the Miskitu people, who lives Miskitu people and feels that the pro blems and needs of the Miskitu peo.

needs. Someone who shares them and strives to improve the living condi tions of the Miskitu people.

want the which proves are of Miskitu

Miskitu people, who leave the Miskitu

Atlantic Coast

an organisation which started from the base, from the

and went up until developed into a mass organisation which defends the lives of the Miskitu munity land.

land, MISATAN's priority goes to the repatriation of the

other and who wish to return to their homelands and

Miskitus who live in Honduras, Costa Rica and other places, who suffer from the pressure of those

of US imperialism and who are runn-

The Miskitu people are maintain-

elects the ed there against their will, they don't

and they have often been taken under

HELLEIL pressure of anti-Sandinista propagan-

Nicaragua is a country with a double

assimilated into Spanish culture and thus the population speaks Spanish.

The Atlantic Coast has been colonised by England and thus there is a large

especially the Black people taken as

Amongst the Indians, the Sumu and

groups — the Miskitu because of their

Bovernment not talk about a pure race because as

problems.

Miskitu, who practises the culture,

amongst the

ple are her/his personal problems and

Atlantic

We believe that those people who

descent, who hate

people, are not true children of the certain medicines Miskitus. We can say they are traitors

people travel

Socialist Action such

not

We, the Miskitu people, are opposed to war. We know how to live collectively. Our land is not personally owned, our land as a tradition is com-

We learn to share the the sufferings and happiness together how to share the tishes. hov to help a brother build his house, how to comfort a sister when she has lost a loved one, and with the creation of MISATAN, we have tried to rescue all

How are the Miskitu Indians participating in the life of Nicaragua? In every community, there is a committee of MISATAN, of five to seven members, elected by the community. All these committees together. forn the assembly of MISATAN which

directive board the highest authority of MISATAN.

The assembly discusses important

such representatives at government level,

since last year, has appointed community development workers -representatives of the government -

workers and unfortunately, most of

government rather than elected by the

This representative goes to the

to

consulted. If something is wrong in the community, the MISATAN com-

ittee talks to the government. If t

regional government. If the regional

cannot solve the biem, then it is taken to the nationa

MISATAN is autonomous, but the govermel s lepiesenlallyes alc hul This svstem ot communication anc participation has led us to solve many

At times, we don't think that the government's projects are adequate. For example, certain pro ducts are prioritised in the Pacific Coast which the government can sub sidise. But they are based on the needs of the peasants of the Pacific Coast

Certain needs are specific to the

Coast, like fishing lines hooks, flash lights and batteries to hunt, machetes and files to sharpen them, which they don't need so much on the Pacific coast. We also need

Because communities are remote

OnCe The

2 August 1985 9

ministry used to distribute food every fortnight, forcing people to trave every two weeks. We wanted them distributed once a month. These are small things.

We also deal with bigger problems

Via Coast the agrarian refor land ownership the Pacific gave titles to cooperatives. This does

apply to the Atlantic Coast. because our land is community land and it is against Miskitu traditions to give land to individuals. We discusseo it and the government agreed to give community land titles. The title only states that the government recognises the historic lands of the Indian people.

So we have now a commission working on more specific demarca-

including arable lands and forests. We have some virgin land and any exploitation would destro! the ecology which we want to preserve.

What are the relationships with the

When we were in the process of form. ing MISATAN we invited the Sumu people — because we are all Indians. The Sumu people are very few in number, about 6,000. Their language is one of the oldest on the continent and they have maintained a lot of

us in an organisation named 'Creole

Although they are separate we have

assembly but said they wanted their own organisation. So they organised

There is a Miskitu woman in parliament, representative of the FSLN for

government minister for the region is also a Miskitu woman. But all government structures are headed by men -

they are from the Pacific Coast. The government has tried to promote local

headed by local people (for example the leader of ANDEN, the teachers union, is a woman, the leader of FET-

representatives at regional level and in the communities, but we discussed it because we don't want other people to make decisions for us. We are in the republic of Nicaragua, we are a nation. But under the principles of the revolution we have the right to our own decisions and that is

commissións last year: one for North Zelaya, one for South Zelaya and one national to study the structure of the autonomous regional government

All ethnic groups were represented

autonomous regional government is that it brings together all the different

different groups and the! should all have participation and representation. This IS basic This local government will then make al decisions concerning the region ex cept in certain areas such as detenc‹ of the country and over the sovereignty of Nicaragua - which need to be decided at a central level because of the unity of Nicaragua. This is what the majority of the people from the Atlantic Coast want.

People in the counterrevolution like Brooklyn Rivera say they want to separate the Atlantic Coast complete ly from the Pacific Coast. Brooklyn Rivera claimed that he should be the government representative, that all the soldiers and police should go and his men should be the army That is a treal to une autonomy and sorereigh ty of Nicaragua as a whole, becaus they are already linked to the L5 zc they are not going te chare t

Page 10 scan of this page

10

THE international

debt crisis has begun

hit financial

headlines again with

the slowdown in the

U'S economy and the

call of Fidel Castro for

the Latin American

states to repudiate

their foreign debts.

Mexico which held

elections July,

has been right at the

centre of the interna-

tional debt crisis.

Most press headlines

in Britain on the Mexican

elections were occupied

with the massive voting

ruling Institutional

Revolutionary

(PRI) and the high level

oi support in the north of

the country for the open-

ly right wing National

HISTORICALLY, Yankee imperialism has plundered our country. Since the 19th century, it has stolen more than half of Mexico's territory, and it has invaded our territory several times. It has taken advantage of the existence of a labour market to super-exploit Mexican workers. It has used our agricultural production and the best of our livestock. It has made incredible profits from small investments of capital. It has dollarised economy. It has carried out offensives to change our national identity.

For its part, not only

been of Dul il las Decl imperialism's main ally.

DUL in the past three vears this has reached truly alarming proportions. The Mexican government has morigaged national sovereignty 311 -perialism. And today there is no possibility, within the framework of the present relationship and the pre sent system, to turn back

Kassam murder

Shamira Kassam and her three children as racist attacks has led to growing anger in the Asian community in East London.

community every day of the week and every week of the year. Rarely do they make the headlines in the Fleet Street press.'

•When they do it is a momentary affair and the incident swiftly disappears now four years since Mrs .rom cue pages

and her young children were killed in

attack in Walthamstow. There have never been any arrests in

ana ine ponc have now closed their in-

This means vestigalion. thạt, barring a yeritable miracle, the racist filth who destroyed a family will remain at liberty possibly to murder again.'

In ilford, community

:hat The authorities chould treat this matter as if it were a racial attack, m ana uniess proved otherwise' The Metropolitan Police, however, are still refusing ro deal with the case in this

police practice in all cases of racist attacks, they de...

Socialist Action 2 August 1985

Action Party (PAN).

But the Mexican elections also saw a sionincant development among

Mexico's hitherto weak independent

class parties. The Mex-

Communist (PSUM) and the Mex-

Revolutionary

Workers Party (PRT)

hetween them gained 5.1

per cent of the vote. The

workers partes had only been allowed legality in the last few years.

Within the Mexican left the PRT gained sup port and the PSUM lost

ne rai sale galline

members of parliaürst lime and the PSUM declining from 17 to 12 members of parliament. The PRI gained 300,000 votes (1.7 per cent) and the PSUM

600,000 (3.4 per cent). Despite its oil, Mexico has been hit by the crisis and choose another road.

The exploited and oppressed cannot have conTigenee 1r anytning but their own forces to defeat this policy of surrender to imperialism. It is necessary to create an alternative for Me Nex 2on as a

oppressed by Bul alter native cannot be built by searching for 'progressive' sectors of the government

'progressive' SELLUID among the small and

POLICE REFUSAL to treat the murders of Mrs

The Asian Times commented this week that 'Racist attacks afflict our

mand clear proof that the motive is racial' before they treat attacks as racist

Che Newham Monitoring Project has consistently pointed out that this approach effectively hamstrings investigations from ine start. sharply contrasted the level of police surveillance directed towards black

East London and police attention to the numerous racist gangs in the area.

At meeting in Conwav Hall or 28 ulv antiracist and community grouns met to coordinate resistance to the attacks.

The conference. in its statement of aims, affirmed the need 'to oppose racism and fascism physically on the streets. and ideologically, and to "support the right of ethnic

groups under threat to organise for their physical.

Both these figures are

reduced by the rampant electoral fraud

we are orinting nere an article produced for

PRT which deals PRT's newspaper put it - *the

struggle and the defence of the

The article clearly the PRT's call for the repudiation of Mexico's foreign debt and the perspective that Mexico will only be freed when *the proletariat, acting a. leader of the oppressed

acts socially and places itselt at the head of all the exploited and oppressed sectors.

Translation is from the Spanish. medium-sized industrialists.

This alternative will be built only when the proletariat, acting as leader of the oppressed nation, acts socially and places itself at the head of all the exploited and oppressed DECLUS. . But inis does not mean returning to the old, shopworn nationalist speeches, which aiways put off the struggle against the government Some undetermined point in the tuture.

After the allack: Mrs Kassam's burnt-out house self-defence'. The meeting called the movement to organise in support of those who exer-

THE NEWHAM

Defence Campaign is

appealing for wit-

nesses to the arrests of

50 supporters

demonstrations in the

borough.

The first arrests were

on the April

demonstration which

TrEN stopped outside

and

Today anti-imperialism means at one and the same time struggling against the presence of the Yankees in our affairs and in those of other peoples.

struggling against Le cour coun' try, meaning the Institu-

Revolutionary ParLula the Re) over mational

National Action Party (PAN)

The government of Madrid has presented the rresident ivnguel current renegotiation of a cised that right. • For further details contact P.O. Box 273, Forest Gate, London E7.

Forest Gate police sta tion. The others were on 11 May, and took place in and around Plashett Park.

Many of the cases come up in court in the near future, and it is important to build up good case the defence. Please phone 01-555-8151.

Imperialism

Mexico

substantial portion of this

foreign debt as a great vic-

tory. Through this act, the

PRI government has mor-

igaged Mexico for the next

in the end almost the same

amount of monev has

be paid out less at the

beginning, but more at the end but also because now, stressed in the agreement that was signed, the imperialist banks as well as the IMF have the right to 'monitor the economic plans' of our

This raises three problems:

1. How is the total debt and interest to b paid? The PRI government gives a clear All the

alistel money that will not be invested in schools, health care, transportation, jobs, food, and general services will instead be channelled into payments to perialism.

This means that it is not some abstract 'MexFico' that will pay the foreign debt. Rather the workers, the peasants, the • Warc calleis. the housewives are going

Photo:

' pay it.

2. Who was consulted about signing this

Madrid? Miguende le

and • rinance Minister Jesús Silva HerLUE were the ones wnc were going to pay, it would be well and good that they made the decisions.

But if rested opoited

and oppressed country are the ones who will have to pay it, why do

Especially know that the PRI party faithful were the main ones sending dollars out of the country.

Not even the Chamber of Deputies and Senate . _which are a tarce as now

constituted, were consunca. mis is the type or democracy that the PRI CONCHICHL VICLICHLS

3. The PRI gerontocracy shifts the burden of the crisis to the youth and the children, the children of peasants and workers.

Chey are the ones who will ESS lace tne neaviest ouraen ol the debt. Although they had nothing to do with the debt, they are the ones who wil have to work Ilke crazy to keep imperialism satisfied. And this ti the middle of the Year of the 1 0Utl.

1 Foreign debt

The debt, which was into

government, has risen to

ico, Argentina, Venezuela, and other

to pay their whole debt.

foreign

And now we say

which sometris

The of

IBM, presence the asocio aiong our northern border laken

in their hands, them

cent of the profits, them with low. tax

and all their machinery suits them.

do all this major Mexican work force The hourly WaNd of Mexicar

the United meaning

times higher.

International

we already knew: the corruntion and venality of the

Yankee ilegal ting

CHOU Con centec with the question,

aiso, tally: politics, beei

journalist Manuel Buendía. have no

authority send .them packing, : say 'Yankes

official killed, • the

Almost every an Un-

States and the Mexican

while gringo police

worker is 1n the

our homeland show reject the

of the genocidai world's enemy

Ronald Reagan. Defence

Defence of Mexico as a nation does not end at our borders. Il we really want to detend Mexico, we mus defend the revolutionary processes that are alreadi taking place and those ye to come. We are defending our own right to make a revolution, without any imperial government stop-

Yankee imperialism has put pressure on the Mexican government stop it from raising the possibility of a negotiatec settlement for Central America which the Mex

formard in esponse put

forward response preited and oppressed in pressure from this country.

Today, for Reagan, even a policy as timid as the one put forward by the Contador .AVUE 2UC against his : strategy for Con ron . the problem of the Sandinista Nationa Liberation Front (FSLN) the Farabundo Martí Na. tional Liberation Front (FMLN) of Salvador and, in passing, the case of

We must state that an attack against these three countries will viewed as an attack against Mexico.

Page 11 scan of this page

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Page 12 scan of this page

Women

Closures:

THE FIRST national conference of Women Against Pit Closures will be held in Sheffield on 17 August. With over 1000 women expected to attend, it promises to be a huge event which will consolidate thę organisațion of women from munities into a permanent body fighting alongside the mineworkers' union in defence of jobs and comElLC.

'wo mam issue are on the agenda: future action, diu organisation." Guest speakers Arthur Scargill, Peter Heathfield, and WITEK McGahey will present the case for the cónmauled closures and for the unity

The discussion WAPC WedlusaL aims to give women from the minine communities a democratic and permanent structure, with a national committee composed of delegates from each area.

Conference will have the opportunity to change or

-LIC draft proposals.

Consideration of future actions will be over-

Lamzk

SociA ist

ACTiON

Against Pit

first national

conference

the mining com-

whelmingly dominated by the two main issues fac• ing the union: the threat of a breakaway and the fight for amnesty for all sacked and imprisoned " miners.

Bỳ Cath Potter

This conference will give women their ISL GODUL tunity to develop national aiDal lie priorities among all women in the coalfields. Lobbies of the forthcoming TUC and Labour Party conferences will be immediate priorities in their conunuca ngull Despite the loss of the resolution to the NUM naconterence on. asoNaLe mnemoer. status,

SUBSCRIBE

E terpins PO Bax SA. Lorus 17.

women are still determined 'lo play a major part in tne fight against the Thatcher

WAPC will be joined at their conference by observers from other women's and political organisations, and by international support

In addition,

invitation send Doserver na ecu excIu•

to every área of the

NUM -including those who didn't support the rule change on women.

The conference represents the chance to consolidate national organisation women whose success throughout the strike universally recognised. It is an opportunity as well for those women to take forward

women's moveLnenew ment built during the strike - based on working class women from the mining communies wno nave fought for their class and for women.

Special free book offer!

Take out a years inland subscription and we will send you free one of these books.

Over Our Dead Bodies -Women Against the Bomb

Introductory offer for new readers:

Eight issues for just f2!

Ireland: Tories

fear the truth

THE DECISION by

the BBC Board of

Governors to prevent

the showing of the

documentary At The

Edge of the Union,

which includes inter-

views with Martin

Although the programme also depicts the views of Gregory Camp pell, a Pecete oo ree and advocate the 'shoot-fo-kill' policy, attempt at "balance was 101 sufficient BBC's Tory paymasters.

The BBC board of management had earlier decided to show the film.

The Board of Governors, WILI Lady Faulkner, ( widow of the

L am constanti amazed by the dee

and human humility

leader by Thatener our grea

McGuinness elected Sinn Fein representative for the Northern Ireland Assembly marks a further step in state control of media coverage on Ireland.

late and unlamented Brian, and Lord Harewood a cousin of the Queen, overturned this decision.

The move came after pressure from Home Secretary Leon Brittan who had not seen the film

decision is unprecedented.

BBC chairperson Stuart Young later said that 'We have not yielded to any pressure from any

Everyone know

how opposed she i

to the vile system.

apartheid

Rally for this year's International Women's Day

quarter whatsoever.' It is clear, howeyer, that the decision makes a mockery of the BBC's oft-repeated claim to independence. also exposes Thatcher's olalellcll earlier week that 'We do not cen-

We are a free society.' oUT.

Naturally there was no outery about the screening of Gregory Campbell's position on the of murder against the IRA.

The British

HUCUL ming th tA os be been urging the IRA to themselves to the :test of the ballot box' . The recent suecesses of sinn Fein ir elections both in the North and South has clearly demonstrated their JUU

the people of OUTe ALLOS Ireland. This uncomfor. table fact, combined with the increasingly clear use of the loyalist veto over the

... but she is

sny oct ha mi t

that system

Women Against Pit Closures organised the Chesterfield McGuiness confronts the RUC Irish Forum iam of the has made a fresh turn screw on already spineless media necessary.

behind the ban.

that she will de

to prop