SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Socialist Action No. 124, 6 December 1985

Socialist Action · 6 December 1985 · 12 pages, 16,414 words read by machine

The scan: 124-dec-06-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Page 1 scan of this page

DEFEND LIVERPOOL WITCH -HUNT!

THE ENQUIRY into Liverpool District Labour Party is a disaster for the Labour Party. The Labour Party should be concentrating public attention on the viciously anti-working class policies of this Tory government. Instead the headlines are now going to be dominated for months by this enquiry. It will run and run. Don't have any illusions.

By Joan Maynard MP

We should be concentrating on the wonderful things that have been done by Liverpool council. We should talk about the houses it has built, the recreation centres it has built, the jobs it has created. All this is going to be lost in an attack on Militant - who were anyway always a minority on the council. The council has been carrying out the decisions of Labour Party conference.

This enquiry is supposed to better Labour's election chances. But that is a totally wrong. The election results in Liverpool, both locally and in Parliamentary elections, have been excellent. It is this enquiry that might make them worse.

Some people are saying that we can have the enquiry but not a witch-hunt. But that is like the position on the Falkland's war that said you could be in favour of sending the fleet but against its use. That just aided Thatcher. It is a fatal error to believe Labour

win an election by being respectable for the press.

The enquiry, in fact, is just being used to start a witch-hunt. Neil Kinnock already said before it was set up whom he wanted on the enquiry. There was an attempt to exclude any representative from the CLPs.

This witch-hunt, if it is successful, will extend to other socialists in the party. We are already seeing press smears being extended to Graham Stringer and the Manchester party people who have nothing to do with Militant.

The entire party has to support the position of Eric Heffer, and other Liverpool MPs, who have come out against this enquiry. Don't imagine that the issue is going to go away. Because we are going to support our comrades.

SociAlist

ACTION

NO

Inside: • No witch-hunt in Liverpool No expulsions in Birmingham

No. 124 6 December 1985 30p

Bhopal: a chemical New trade union Hiroshima federation in South Ireland: Why Labour Africa must oppose the accord

Page 2 scan of this page

Labour's internationalist 13

2

SOCiA Nt

AcTioN

The left begins

to get its act

together

AFTER A period of flailing and floundering around after the end of the miners strike, It is clear that the left wing of the Labour Party, and the labour movement, is beginning to get its act together. this is, on the one side, the sensible tactics being pursued by Campaign group of MPs, the black section, Scargill, and others, and on the other side a shift to the right by Kinnock that is now so extreme it is beginning to peel off certain sections of his support.

The immediate situation after the end of the miners' strike was dominated, in the left wing of the labour movement, identified with the left shifting to the right under the guise of 'loyalty to the leader', 'influencing Kinnock' etc.

Meacher, Blunkett, and finish up sharply to the right of their previous positied but that what it required to be left. positions. But it was not so much that that is to defend the interests of the working class, itself radically changea.

Ken Livingstone for openly explained, against Marxism Today for instance, that the GLC, the high point in popular terms of the previous wave of the left, was a ge nuinely reformist struggle carried out in an extremely favourable situation.

The material base for the policies of the GLC was its huge rates income. It was a totally different situation to the literal destruction of their communities and futures which confronted the miners, or the savagery that had been inflicted on Liverpool by the combination of the policies of Thatcher ministration of the city. It was not possible to de fend the miners, or Liverpool, 'by the methods of

previous methods were totally inadequate to

The most important development which took lace was that of Scargill, Benn, Skinner, thi lack section and others moving far to the left o their previous positions - as has now been seen on the miners, NATO, economic policy, black

Liverpool, the witch-hunt, and Ireland.

But the emergence for the first time since the 1920s of a real class struggle left, a left which definitely chose 'which side it was on' as Ton Benn put it, had one immediate, dangerous ef fect. This was that this left was initially isolatec against the combined onslaught of Thatcher and

This was why it was so important for the left to reject the ultra-left proposal made to it from some sections of the labour movement that the way forward was to run a candidate against Kin nock for leader of the party. Instead the left had to drive a series of wedges into Kinnock's base on specific issues which corresponded to the in-

Labour Party conferences on the issue of amnesty. The black section did it well in the defence of the black communities. The Campaign group ol MPs now has an opening to achieve it on opposi-

There are other openings coming up. The alliance which figures like Bea Campbell were calling for between women and Kinnock inside the Labour Party is falling down against the reality of Kinnock's real policies on women — as the criticisms Ann Pettifor has been forced to make of Kinnock show. On the issue of Ireland another section of Kinnock's base is almost certainly going to differentiate from him - and Ken Livingstone has made his reappearance supporting a definitely progressive cause by coming out openly against the Anglo-Irish accora. witch-hunt, while the Kinnockite left has com pletely gone along with the enquiry on Liverpool, we will see what happens when Kinnock starts moving for the expulsion of Hatton,

Kinnock is taking the party further to the right but some openings are developing.

The two are connected. Because what is realy happening is that the nature of Neil Kinnoc! leadership of the Labour dearer and clearer.

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

The occassion for

the leadership of the by sections previously

Livingstone did

example, has always and those of the previous Liberal ad-

Sawyer or Livingstone went to the Party is becoming

THATCHER'S OFFENSIVE against the labour movement, and against the left in particular, con-

gather momentum. onslaught there continue to be major developments on the left — particularly on international policies.

A huge step forward was made November Anti-Apartheid demonstration. important development was the vote paign group MPs - including Tony Clay, Jeremy Corbyn, Joan Maynard and Dennis

One of hardest

present.

socialism between

British

however, in an imperialist in-

struggle the

that country the ruling

As

Jetarians in against own bourgeoisie no, it will be a

dependent countries, against perialism.' order to

Line working

is this being

the

since 1979 including in the the defeat the strike.

these

Women

the Benn-

No

@CORMAC

This is clearly.

the first step on

the road to a

United Ireland!

the

with the Another of 13 CamBenn, Bob

glo-Irish accord. JOHN TOnG

example. these forces still very small minority the labour

themselves these cannot

gle agalls! une Thatcher

labour

gle left, today under

developments situation

different. upunle

most

WaN

the war

the late

movemenl

Nọt does South Africa perialism including in

The Anti-

Apartheid Movement The Anglo-Irish deal? I think it's wonderful! Marvellous!

Do you really believe

Of course not!

The whole thin isa contrick!

mushrooming locally and

Action believes that every single one of its

should take their highest priority today the building of the Anti Apartheid Movement, its local groups, and solid-

but it cor-

On this the labour

Thatcher government.

South Atrica is

the

second key opening has

When • Thatcher

since

tea lo for the

But knew that

attention to that policy as

sion adopted by Labour Party conterences. Inat Is he has no intention of paying any regard to whatever!

In fact on the question of the right of nations to self-determination Kinnock has a particularly ap palling record. By far the most vigourous callpalgi Kinnock put up under the 1974-79 Labour ment was that to deprive Wales of the right to an elected assembly something incidently,

would have been real point of support for the miners in their strike in South Wales.

And Mrs Thatcher? that?

encourage the

Right in line with Thatcher's calculation, Kinnock duly led the massed Parliamentary Labour Party through the lobby last Wednesday in suppor of Thatcher's accord. Far

• Delg a step to. le of Ireland accord Curtails the oppose the marching the

in this individual together with and his UNIONSI SUllIC thing takes

of political

new phase and a Lolan new

ment or reaid.

policy, principled

which the Sallu labour can identify.

situation the public

Statement of the

Labour Left Co-

ordination

SUPPORT FOR the

Anglo-Irish bet-

ween the Tory government

in Britain and the coalition

government in the Irish

republic SHODDECI

with the Labour Party's

declared policies.

By taking a bi-partisan

Labour Party leadership

COL

ference decisions condem-

the of stripCUSt

A great woman 3 who obviously has the best interests of the Irish People at heart!

But trage an loyalists e

make even bigger fools o

themselves.

Politics Today

ween the Campaign group ot Mrs ana ine Labour Committee oppose acculu definite campaigning goal must now be set by the labour. movement not of course one that will be reansea in une short telli but one that can be fought Party to throw out the accord.

The of the

way for These

speak.

cord, and reunified the

bour on Ire-

of that issue once the left

of Ireland.

are not merely vital themselves They are also issues on which the British labour movement, by carrying tionalist duty, can take the

deals Thatcher. searching, the Diplock courts, and plastic bullets and the continuing use of

Prevention of. Ter rorism Act.

The Labou Party leadership should be con demning these abuses of

РОШІа

which ed instability in ine 32

instability counties • the need for a united Ireland.

Central America Labour Group Founding Conference Saturday 14 December, 10-5pm County Hall, London SE1

CALG is supported by the Nicaragua Solidarity

Campaign, El Salvador

Solidarity Campaign and the Guatemala Working Group. The conference is open to representatives of all Labour Party bodie

Crom An Dhohlar and individual party

members. • Enquiries and registration: c/o Jan

Gate, London SWIA IAA

(phone: 01-222 1719)

Page 3 scan of this page

Labours monumental own goal

News

Liverpool City Council demonstration, 29 March 1984 Party.

Speaking at the Oxford uver v LabouCuD Ol Friday 29 November he salu.

'On Tuesday and Wednesday in the House of Commons, the Anglo-Irish

Yasi culcill Was discussed. It was a very important debate and issue

Thursday most newspapers especially Liic so-called JUDS. had huge front articles

vase about so-called

Liverpool Labour Party, the

the CCCISIUl Susociu District Labour Party emblazoned UVCI their Jasvo.

It was an own goal of monumental proportions. I have to say I feel outrag-

LIIC decision of the NEC and the attacks being made on

Liverpool

NALGO members oppose

witch-hunt

LIVERPOOL NALGO Rank and File, which was formed soon after the 'cuddly left' began its drive to impose compromise solution on Liverpool City Council, has issued the following statement against the witch-hunt:

'Liverpool NALGO rank and file are opposed to the current enquiry by Labour Party NEC, into the Liverpool District. Labour Party on the basis that it is a thinly-disguised first step towards witch-hunt of Militant Tendency

supporters and other •unacceptable' activists.

'Whilst we condemn many of the tactics used by Liverpool City council in their budget battle against the Tories, we fully support their original stand for more resources.'

ERIC HEFFER, MP, one of the five members of Labour's National Executive, has come out strongly against the witch-hunt of Liverpool District Labour

good labour people who believe in socialist policies.

The papers were also full of serious charges made by leading Labour Party figures of 'political corruption', *litera COr ruption in employment', 'intimidation'. and so on.

Charges that have been Ilaue by gulter Joullallsls

CTORY

agalsi labour peopie al

times over the vanous ycais

If there were such corruption, and people making such charges should be

Pacpar such coruption

such corruption should be dealt with by. police action against the individuals concerned, not with the suspension by the NEC District Labour Party, made up as it is of good honest people, whose only crime want to fight the Labour rarty s pontical ene mules and get a Labour government elected. t, torrenas been in the past, there has individual corruption in City Councils, as for example in the North East. Yet no one at the time suggested that the Citv Labour Parti there should be suspendCul

Liverpool's pèople are being damaged, not by the

Labour Partv in Liverpool, whose members have consistently fought for them, to improve lives ne cinions with the Intenuol lifting them out of their despair orouznL aooul ue zuvclllment policies, but by those in the Labour Party who spend their time attacking the Liverpool Labour Par-

and playing intoo the hands Labour's political enemies. It is no accident that Tory papers lli callullas loudy alc cal ing for the so-called

hard left' to be thrown out of the party.

The language

Gc, sucii ds maeeoLs azallls.

forgiveable. wonder Labour's political enemies and Sir Trevor Jones wish Norman Tebbit the party leadership well. They, of course, hope to gain by its action.

The suspension of the District Labour Party does

sections

THE LABOUR Party black section national committee, meeting this weekend, vigorously opposed the party leadership's witch-hunt against Militant supporters in Liverpool.

It is circulating a model resouuuon wiuch reaus as follows:

This condemns recent attacks Oa Lv members by labour's national leadership. We oppose all moves aimed at renewing witch-hunts and oul ccs

We view with particular Conceul Callul taken against comrades who sunport the Militant newspaper and comrades wno support back sections. Neil Kinnock claims he desires party unity, yer he has been the source of unprecedented altacks on individual socialists. This has been avidly latched upon by our opponents and their friends in the

great harm.. At the moment in Liverpool a council by-election taking Dace cuc to uc uituci death of councillor Peter Lloyd. The party is also raising cash to defend the councillors in case against the Distric Auditor.

councillors are threatened with surcharges and suspension OIfice, because they carried out Labour Party pollcy as laid down at the 1984 party

Yet they are being treated as criminals, instead of being supported Decaust 01 LEICII wuul ageous stand

would seem to me that too many in the party

top level have conveniently forgotten wild party policy is. There are a almoel o vers ons ocine put forward as to what the enquiry Liverpool

Neil Kinnock quoted as saying: am antagonistic to the Militant

Stop witch-hunting

Militant, say black

capitalist news media.

*The enemies of socialism have been handed a gift by the divisive tactics used by Labour's na-

cauciS aralsl those in the party with whom taey alsagrce

'We demand:

1) that action aimed at

the proper functioning of the Liverpool Districi Labour Party is halted; 2) that Birmingham Sparkbrook CLP

Socialist Action 6 December 1985 tendency. I want them out of the Labour Party. .' One other is bv Rov Hatterslev. who is quoted as saying: "This

nivesulzallul about how the people of Liverpool have been treated in the Labour Party's name.

I am opposed to witch-hunts anybody who ooserves aDour s consulu' tion. That does not mean ! agree with all they say accept democratic social-

HOL-CaCOOCIU cratic centralism, which in Dl acuicc all centralism and no real democracy. 1 am afraid we are getting zoo muco or loe lale the : Labour Party at the moliciil. and mem bers should not allow it to hap-

An investigation into real complaints one thing. To suspend a party such as the Liverpool party is wrong and members all over the country should protest. mediately reinstate into full membership black sec tion supporters Amir Khan and Kevin Scally.

'Only by responding positively to these demands can Labour fully corvinice our supporters that the party is commited to the democratic right of every group and individual in our ranks to argue for socialist policies

by party leaders.

Model

resolution

against the

witch-hunt

THE LABOUR Left Coordination has circulated model resolution against expulsions and defence of Liverpool District Labour Party, as well as expelled Birmingham activists Amir Khan and Kevin Scally.

All readers are urged take this resolution up in all %IDOlI novenen organisations.

1ne resolution reads: 1. This believes that if the forthcoming local elections as well the next general election are to be won. the party must remain united. We therefore deplore the party national leadership's divisive campaign against local councils and District Labour Parties which fight Tory cuts. and against pressure groups within the party. 2. In no case should internal political differences be used as a pretext for the expulsion individuals and the suspension of pressure groups holding views which do not find favour with the present party leadership. We therefore deplore the recent expulsions of members of the Labour Committee on Ireland, the Labour Party black sections, supporters of Militant and other socialists within the party. 3. We are also concerned with the enquiry into the Liverpool DLP, which appears to be being con-

through the media, so as to ensure the District Party found guilty in advance. 4. We call on the ts tional Executive Cor mittee to end the s: pulsion of sociolis from the party.

Page 4 scan of this page

Black sections fight Sparkbrook expulsions

4

THE BLACK section adopted, a six point plan Sparkbrook constituency Labour Party's expulsion of Amir Khan and Kevin Scally. It involves:

1) a campaign of

Hass resolutions in the labour movement aimed at reversing the expulsions; 2) supporting meeting in the Sparkbrook consuluency i acicnce vi the expelled com-

3) a lobby of NEC members, taking forms contacting individuals, and a lobby of the meeting when the ap

has alread been lodged, is heard 4) taking the fight to the Sparkbrook rank and file,

branches, trace socialist societies and ward

sections; 5) investigating the poss bility of legal action; 6) a campaign of letters and articles in the left and black press.

Five resolutions opposing the expulsions have

mingham. London seven bodies have come

Photo: CARIBBEAN TIMES

William Silcott's room after Tottenham police raid

TWO MONTHS after the events of Sunday 6 October the community

is still in Tottenham

under siege.

from the

Broadwater Farm Defence

explains that

Collitter

raids on homes followed by

daily al c

rence mme me canucu oul

manner which•

flagrantly disregards civil

and human rights.

date there have

been 100 reported arrests,

mainly young. But only 40

per cent have been charg-

ed. Children have been ar-

restea, aelamica ana ques-

tioned. welve vcal

nave been held for long

perioas wilnou, access lo

their parents or solicitors.

In at least Case.

police have sledgeham-

uncl way IllU They have carried

shotguns and rifles and in

one case Six armed

policemen from the DIl

unit held un a house. he

Public Order Act gives the

Donce Calle blanche

powers to apprehend

tenants and residents

the area, and detain them

as long as they like.

Rut the realv special

treatment has been reserv-

ed tor the Silcott tamily.

Socialist Action 6 December 1985 national committee has

of action to reverse halvis Streatham, including Vauxhall, and Southall CLPs.

Councillor Amir Khan, who has been added to the black section ildi tional committee, explained that the overwhelming majority of black people including many who hac

initially supported black

Secuols. vociferously opposed the expulsions and deman-

din their reverigh

neighbouring Small Heath constituency was split down the middle

the Sparkbrook party action, with the right wing on one side and on the other, the rest of the people and baCk

Another Asian Coun cillor and member of Sparkbrook constituencv. Mohammed Rafique also faces expulsion this monin. he is a former opponent of black sections. Thus the crime of 'bringing the Pally into

Tottenham under heavy manners

Winston Silcott and his

brother George were arrested on 12 November

and whisked away, naked,

for interrogation in police

stations outside the Tot-

Leman dea cUle War

held and questioned for

days and released

[WO

without charge. Winston

was first held for a 'crime'

on a charge now dropped, and then charged, along

with two juveniles aged 14

and 15, with the murder of

PC Blakelock.

Winston has solid

evidence that he was

nowhere in the vicinity

during the The

DULICC al c Holling

ferocious campaign

pressurise Tottenham

youth to Sasemens

saying Winston was pre-

During their operation

the

DOLICE mountcu

quasi-military assault on

Winston's parents home.

50 of them, armed

guns and sledge hammers,

advanced Trouse.

William Silcott, Winston's

father, pleaded with them

to use his door key but was

out of the way

or 'have his face smashed

in with a gun butt' says

Silcott

defence committee. They

disrepute' on which Amir and Kevin were expelled, is clearly being extended to a

tion against opponents of haltersiey s neutenants

'Hattersley's hand is clearly visible strings', said black section vice-chair Marc Wadsworth, 'and he has a lot to fear from the rank and file. He is the baron of a rotten

His days al C numbered, both in terms of his ability to manipulate the fathers, and in terms of ois CLP and key

occupation of the post of MP for Sparkbrook.

'Because these bullying tactics, a lot of people would previously not have supported black self organisation are now supporting

It's Saless that black martyrs have had to be made along the way.

'This is a multifaceted struggle with vast implications. The left has to line

ple, or they will probien and defend black peo-

part problem along willane night wills. then sledgehammered down the door and ransacked the house, remoying personal vast amounts. They refus-

William Silcott's

quesi lor a note of thi items removed. Even such items as picture were removed.

'When the police raided my home there was an armed officer present at the time,' says William in a sworn testimony. "They intimated that they believed that Winston's friends were in the house waiting

for them. This is utter

as l am

who is my house and I cannote understand where the

police got this idea from

Neither I nor my sons are guilty ally of the

crimes committed in the

Riots" and I

do not consider the police

handling of this matter in

relation to my own case

be one of benefit to the

community

selves.

• For further informa-

financial Support.

speakers, resolutions of

contact the

Broadwater Farm Defence

Committee, 12-16

Tangmere, Willan Road,

London NIT (Telephone

01-808 1667/801 7327).

WEST MIDLANDS

CAMPAIGN

SOCIAL, SECURITY

CUTS

MARCH

AND RALMER

SATURDAY 14th. SE

March at 1 am the DESE ON November the GMC Of TUESDAY

Birmingham Sparkbrook CLP expelled its only black councillor, Amir Khan, and Kevin Scally, secretary of Birmingham Labour Committee on Ireland (LCI).

The expulsions, carried by 28 votes to 18 and 28 to 21 respectively, came as no real surprise. Amir Khan had fought to establish a black section to give

mainly Pakistani members an in-

democratic voice Kevin in Scally Dally supports affairs.

British withdrawal from Ireland, opposes the PTA, ana Is acuve in acienanig its victim Maire O'Shea.

Both challenged corruption and patronage in Sparkbrook CLP. In dothey oy had also challenged Hatersley, deputy Labour leader, and Sparkbrook's MP.

Hattersley

The ostensible reason for their expulsions were that they had brought the party into disrepute' Amir through public attacks on Hattersley's attitude 1o, achievements TOT Sparkbrook S black community; Kevin, through his involvement in a TV documentary alleg-

HIDEODCI recruitment of Asian members to the constituency's Spark Hil ward.

In really however, both Amir and Kevin Scally represented the sort of party and policies Hattersley can neither accept not nose to reDrescul - d democratic party whose Asian members determine their own needs.

For Kevin Scally things came to a head two years ago. In the Autumn of beginning of the reselec- 1983, just the tion process the Spark Hil ward received 140 membership applications in one week

One form was from one of Kevin's neighbours.

Councillor Amir Khan has been expelled for the 'crime' of organising a black section in Hattersley's constituency

Hattersley's rotten borough

When Kevin next met him he mentioned the applicaLOR discover ne had never filled it in. partial investigation sanc tioned by the ward revealed that at least 60 of Ine WelC similar fakes. In some cases the addresses didn't even exist.

There was an obvious explanation. Spark Hill was the one ward unlikely to support me reseecon of Roy Hattersley, unless

GMC delegates were changed at its forthcoming AGM

By Mick Archer

Given the dispute over membership the Spark Hill AGM was postponed until March 1984. When it eventually took place many of

officers returned with sizeable majorities. Kevin Scally was reelected as secretary by 95 votes to 35.

Unperturbed, Roy Hattersley himself questioned the meeting's validity at the following GMC. He reported he had been approached by several members complaining that people from outside the area had altented and voted at the Spark Hill AGM. Bandung

The AGM was declared invalid and a further one convened. It took By now Kevin Scall 1984.

now Kevin Scally and others ward understood that a 'valid' AGM was one that went at least some way to electing a slate of officers that the GMC encorsed Ther compromised and gave over a number of positions 1o Hattersley supporters.

When approached earlier this year by the Bandung File, who were investigating the abuse of the Asian vote in inner city constituencies like Spark. brook, Kevinecteu appear and furnish them with some of the bogus applications.

START FROM E STE

On Sun 8th Sept Roy Hattersley: 'clearly visible pulling the strings.'

Among the charges made at Tuesday's GMO was that 'the programme showed you in possession of Labour Party applications which had come to you through your position as branch secretary, these should have been forward-

not retained you. were the property of the party and should not have been handed over for the use or ine meala unles. permission had been sought and granted.' Ireland

Kevin Scally has been a member the Labour Party for 10 GMC delegate, he has also been branch secretary and election agent as well as representing the constituency at regional Labour Party conference He is also secretary of the Birmingham LCI and a member ors nauonal couricil

As a salmeis sued by the this week notes: 'The LCI is con-

News

IVE

, 1005 at 230 a.m ODEON CINEMA

DAY OF LIVE NON- STOP

BY BRITAIN'S LEADING ASIAN BANDS

IN AID OF CHARITY FOR THE ETHIOPEA

Try a Rod Promen IF UND

SIAN

L eth Sept 100 ODEON ONEMAT /ж 230 pa

BE HAPPLE LIVE NON

.. IEANING ASIAN™A

vinced that Kevin's activity for British withdrawal from Ireland has conto the demands for his expulsion Ever since he joined the Nor thern Ireland Labour Party in 1969, Kevin has beer CONSCI advocate of British withdrawal. 'We regard the expulsion of Kevin as a very • Inter LO the organisations campaigning legitimately in the labour movement Ireland. The LCI calls for investigation into Kevin's allegations, since if they are true, they are very serious.

In Birmingham meeting will take place this week Labour Party members determined oppose both Amir and Kevin's expulsions.

• Copies of resolutions passed in defence of Amir and Kevin should be sent to the black sections na tional secretary, Narendr Makanji, 10a Palmersto Road, London N22

Page 5 scan of this page

A chemical Hiroshima

International

3 DECEMBER marks the anniversary of the world's worst industrial disaster ever. Between 5000 and 15000 people died when a cloud of deadly gas escaped from factory in Bhopal, India.

London conference on 3 November saw the beginnings of an against tionals whose policies produced Bhopal.

did Bhopal happen?

multinational chemical firm. It has 100,000 employees world-wide, working in 500 separate plants in 36 countries.

It boasts a commitment to safety. But its past and present activity has created death and industrial disease on a large scale, including silicosis, bladder paralysis, radiation Doison ing, liver and skin cancer and cadmium poisoning.

waiting to happen. An international cost-cutting policy, chemical firms in the '80s, led to inaaccuate mamntenance, underman ing, ed to manufacture the pesticide Carburyl was originally to have been pro-

was commissioned with a twelve. reduced in 198] to eight. lhe total from luo to os. Most or those sack. ed had been disciplined, many for refusing

manual.

Accident

poor. In 1981 a worker died after being solashed with Phosgene.

five workers were hospitalised after a similar leak.

the internal alarm system was disconnected Wal lie sysicill

losses, hazards, strike

then reported attributed union fears to imagination'.

thus far from an unforseeable act of god. They were the consequence of a conscious policy to boost Union Carbide profits in defiance of its workers, and pursued by Union Carbide -by its rivals.

means ends here does the saga of official complicity in its activities which now turned the in-

disaster:

Disconnected

ple who had been caught sleeping were hospital. short initial blast, had been disconnected and was not turned on again until 3am. There was in any case no local evacuation plan or emergency procedure.

fects of MIC had been distributed to local doctors. company medical officer would only say that it caused 'minor irritation to the eyes

watcl.

now dving at dead Everywere lue avnig welc wracked with violent coughing and vomiting, their eyes blinded and streaming, their bodies In asully. Mass began within hours.

Why was so iittle knowledge on MIC's toxic effects available to those trying to cope with this catastrophe? It is now established that MIC permanently damage the eyes, lungs,

earl, liver, central nervous system. utera and bloodstream. The company's manual wal lis

Bhopal

effects comes about down into cyanide within the body. Had local doctors had this information, and had the cyanide antidote sodium thiosulphate been widely us-

Mally

Cyanide

Union Carbide knew this. clearly stated in a technical handbook nor in other countries where MIC was handled did it seem keen to release

doctors fought to save lives and end suffering on the basis of virtually total ignorance of the poison involved. Of-

have reason to believe Union Carbide has carried out research on animals and we have specifically asked them for the result of this research. They

available". It has trickled back to us from the USA that they do have this

the possibility that cyanide could be the main problem within a week of the

arrived with 50,000 cases of sodium

Madhya Pradesh, opinion were willing to accept then evidence in the absence of support

LTON

Stone Wall

tims of Bhopal who met a stone wall.

French CGT member JeanMichel Valeaux, from the Union Carbide plant at Beziers, explained their long history of struggle over the safety

French plant were originally the same as those in Bhopal. In 1977 the union cal

that

one year on

reassured workers that beyond 'im-

result in serious long term problems.

the by-products of exposure to MIC In 1979 further evidence from Hrench

through the web of secrecy.

truli aDOl

Victims

dia, to the USA, to Britain, forging

workers have realised that the company which brought the disaster can they are sitting on only be confronted by collective ac-

organised an all-India convention in ment and the right to information.

for a mass campaign on the dangers

Supreme Court ruling compelling the distribution of Sodium Thiosulphate

the state government to take this step

way

Indian Council of Medical Research, who confirmed the cyanide conneclion after trials. Only in April did the

stocks were ready and on 3 June, voluntary organisations were finally

'negligence'. Hence the court action.

doubt about the value of individual litigation. Perhaps the most signifi-

in 1978 the management finally admitted that cyanide could be one of

that under high temperature and pressure MIC could break down to produce

were unable fully to break

ume on tney nave been acmanding full information from management about advance warning, the dangers of MTC, safety systems, alternative manufacturing procedures, and the

then case.

They have been travelling 1o In-

17-18 February a broad

They have taken up the campaign for

Thiosulphate; for provision for abortion for women who inhaled the gas;

One tactic nas been lo secure a

extreme and continued reluctance of

multinationals co-opt and implicate

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

DANGER.

around a trade union and workers'

workers and victims have devised an

should not just be allowed to cut and

provide jobs and a safe environment.

This may be the only hope of future employment for many victims

withdrawn. Thus strong backing, par-

Such unity is much needed. While third world countries often receive the most exploitative and most danger-

Bhopals exist everywhere the British chemical industry has been Flixborough and Seveso disasters are

DUl workers who try to resist companies introducing cost-cutting, procedures are frightened into silence

Bhopals' is a universal one. From India 1o France to Britain we must learn

tessons. those fighting for a future in Bhopal should be a springboard for united action in-

Spital Hill, Sheffield

Coach trom L000T leaves Southall, King Street (outside Southall Monitoring Group office) at 7am and calls at Kings Cross, York

• For further information contact mon Ground, 87 The Wicker, Shef-

and

Countdown

to disaster

UNION CARBIDE's favoured

cheapest - led them to build a plant designed to incorporate large-scale storage of Methyl Iso-

which caused the catastrophe

610 led to the disaster. We still don't know what started it.

• The initial rise in pressure from 2 p.s.i. to 10 p.s.i., noticed at 11pm by the new shift, was not seen as a cause was sent for because 'the instruments often didn't work. They got corrod-

• Because of cuts in manning levels, it was left to one worker to check the 70 panels in the control room every two hours, instead of two workers

ed the MIC at 0°C, and which could

Swel had not been working for down

caustic soda gas scrubber system, designed to neutralise escaping gas, was undergoing maintenance

• The flare tower that was supposed to burn off escaping gas was not

and pipework to it had been discon-

routed to a vent line that emptied into Water-spray systems designed to surcurtain in the event of a gas leak were only designed to spray to a height of

• There were no gas sensors capable of detecting the leaking MIC. Not was there a high-pressure warning

carbon-steel valves had been used instead of stainless steel.

possible causes of the runaway reac-

• Storage tank 619 was meant to be available as a spare reservoir in the event of emergency here indications of the leak mere significance not understood, until far

late

occurred appeared in 'The state of In

New Delhi

noticed that the temperature guage on tank 610 had reached 25°C, the top of moving to 40 p.s.i., the point at which the emergency relief valve opens. investigate and was horrified. As be stood on a concrete slab above the began to shake. "There was a tremen-

behind him. The slab, made of 60 feet of concrete at least 6 inches thick, was

furnace. He couldn't get within 6 fee

sound and saw gas shoot out of a tall stack connected to the tank, and form a white cloud drifting over the plan!

the sleeping neighbourhood.

In the plant he found that the pressure indicator had gone above 55 p.s.l., the top of the scale, and the MIC from the storage tan, recan safety • valve had opened,

Even had all safety systems fea tioned, the design was such that or 40 per cent of the escaping gas corl have been neutralised.

Page 6 scan of this page

oppose the accor

6 Socialist Action 6 December 1985

I voted

against

BOB CLAY, one of the thirteen Labour MPs who voted against the Anglo/Irish accord in parliament, explained to us why he had been prepared to take the steps of walking through the division lobby with the likes of Enoch Powell to oppose Thatcher's new Irish carve-up.

LABOUR & IRELAND

THE ALTERNATIVE ACCORD Wednesday 11 December 7.30pm Council Chamber, County Hall, London SE1 Chair: Joan Maynard MP (Nobel angle Maeace Prize winner)

Mitchel McLoughlainn, Sinn Fein Derry City Councilor Ken Livingstone Leader GLC

recognition Southern government.

I DOLI

strengthening Ulster.

responsibility power In the responsibility

repression

suspect that

cuse for banning Sinn Fein.

pressured does not end partition.

La means of assisting the

clear to be the opposite.

the six counties. THE PRADDYSTUNT PEEPUL OF ULSTER ARE BIN SOLD INTA BONDUDGE BY THE

JAZZABELLE THAUTCHUR!!

THE AGREEMENT quite clearly involves, for the first time, the legal

partnion by the

I see the accord as a clear move away from the unification of Ireland, a view which is reinforced by the fact

Margaret Thatcher and Tom King regard this agreement as

It gives the Southern government

our witnour any Teal six counties. That will sooner later become a responsibility for increased

the nationalist

Having outraged the unionists by negotiating this agreement in such a deceitful and clandestine manner,

the that this produces will become the ex-

I also believe that there is some truth in Enoch Powell's assertion that Mrs Thatcher only took this small and contradictory step because she was

President

Reagan, who's administration is anx-

NATO, with American bases.

Finally I listened carefully to those in the Labour Party who argued that this agreement is a step towards the party's policy of reunification. anc that the loyalist fury proves this.

But my view is that the agreement in this sense achieves the worst of two worlds. It mobilises the loyalists but

The argument is similar to that used in justifying sending in the troops in1969. The measure was defended as

nationalist community. But it quickly became

A Labour government ought to tell the unionists firmly and unequivocally that they intend to with-

of draw militarily and politically from I BEG YOUR PARDON?

THE TEN to one vote in the House of Commons for the Anglo-Irish accord will go down as Thatcher's greatest parliamentary since the vote to send the British Fleet against Argentina in 1982.

And, as on that occasion, it is a victory delivered to her Labour leadership which politically indistinguishable from the Tories when it comes to any issue touching the vital interests of British imperialism.

No-one should be in any doubt that the Irish question is indeed such an By Redmond O'Neill issue. Every great turning point in British politics has been accompanied and catalysed by a crisis over the Irish question. Today the occupation of part of Ireland by Britain remains the most acutely unstable contradiction built into the structure of the British state.

It has resulted in sixteen years of unrelenting mass struggle, armed strug gle and political mobilisation by the na tionalist community within the North of Ireland statelet and has created, in Sinn Fein, the most advanced mass political force in Western Europe. Sovereignty

The fundamental aim of Thatcher's policy is to resolve that contradiction by breaking the pulitical mobilisation

the nationalist community smashing Sinn Fein. That is the objective of the Anglo-Irish agreement and by endorsing it Kinnock renounces all pretence of any independence of the Parliamentary Labour Party from the Tories on the Irish question.

A labour movement incapable of distinguishing itself from the Tories on the most longstanding colonial ques ion in British history will not capable of achieving anything damental for the British working class.

That is the meaning of the House of Commons vote, and that is why the 13 Campaign Group Labour MPs were so correct to vote against. Their signals that their solution to the Irish question lies through uniting the British

I SAID, " THE PRADDYSTUNT PEE-"

IRELAND:

Labour must

victory

by is labour movement with the 800-year-old • struggle of the Irish people for national self-determination.

cord was accurately summarised by the Financial Times: 'It commits Dr FitzGerald's Dublin government to supporting actively the northern state presently constituted.' government for signatory to an international agreement which recognises over the six North Eastern counties of Ireland. Dublin explicitly allows the arand tificially created loyalist majority in the six counties to veto the right of the Irish people as a wnole to sen-acter mination.

Security

involve Dublin more directly in the be military defence fun- statelet. scheduling of an early meeting between Lawrence Wren, Garda and Sir John Herman, chief constable the vote stabulary, step security operations

A PIECE Of the ACTION

FORGET IT, KID! NOBODY'S REALLY INTER-

ESTED!

governmental

The essence of the Anglo-Irish ac-

the The Dublin the first time

British sovereignty Orange

loyalist militia,

organisations, A key function of the accord is to

Wing Its first fruit has been the statesmar commissioner of the

Royal Ulster cross-border

In exchange for all this an inter-

WHAT WAS ALL THAT ABOUT?

I DON'T KNOW... SOME CRAZY MICK... WHINGING AS PER USUAL!

YOU NEST OF VIPERS! WE'RE " BRITISH!

conference between Dublin and London with a permanent secretariat based in Belfast is established. This will discuss policy on the North but, as the Financial Times explains: "Dublin would not. however, be able to intervene directly in the government of

province, or force ministers into particular decisions.'

Even the most blatant mechanisms of orange supremacy remain intact -Diplock courts, strip searching in Armagh. The Ulster Defence Regiment, which is nothing more than a sectarian

with a membership overlapping with loyalist paramilitary

will remain in place There are no provisions to end sectarian discrimination in jobs and hous-

Thus the claim by Tribune and New

SENS accord has something to do with progress towards a united Ireland is demonstrably false. It is an agreement by the Dublin government to help the British state pacify the six counties

In that sense it does reflect Britain's

YC

Page 7 scan of this page

d

failure to defeat the mass nationalist movement in the North. It also reflects the immense discredit that has become attached to the Orange state internationally over the same period. The accord is an attempt legitimacy to the Northern state and British repression by making Dublin complicit in both.

Of course Paisley, Molyneux and the other Orange bigots in the Official Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party cannot tolerate the involvement of Dublin in the Orange state at any level - even that of col-

with them in repression against the republican movement. their own twisted sectarian logic they correctly grasp that if London has to lean on Dublin for support this is a new demonstration of the non-viability of the Northern statelet.

FitzGerald

Why should Garret FitzGerald's government bail out British rule in Ireland in this way?

This question was answered by a Sunday Times article before the accord was even published: "Saving the SDLP (Social Democratic Labour Party) is largley what the talks are about as far as CORMAC 12/85

W, COME ON! DO REALLY REALLY ELIEVE THAT??

WHAT ARE YOU?

SOME KIND OF

ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT?

SuPPORT THE PoW(

SMASH H

A BLOCKH

ERMy

Dublin is concerned. In four years the SDLP share of the local election vote has remained constant at around 17.5 per cent, while Sinn Fein's vote has shot up from zero to 11.8 percent.

'If Sinn Fein were able to win five 1C W seats in the Dublin parliament at the next general election, which is not impossible under the republic's system of nropornonal rebresentallull, hold the balance of power in the South whilst dominating nationalist politics for the first time in the North. It is a nightmare that haunts both Garret FitzGerald in the South Hume, the SLP leader in the North.

*The second reason he (FitzGerald) wants a deal to bolster the SDLP is because he fears that if Sinn Fein gains the upper hand among catholics in the North it could wreck the South as well. If the IRA became the legitimate champions of the nationalist minority in the six counties, the risk of Ulster's civil war spilling over the whole island could not be ignored.' (10 November).

The threat FitzGerald is worried about was shown to be real enough at the height of the hunger strike campaign for political republican prisoners in the H-blocks and Armagh women's prison in 1981.

Bobby COL more votes than Margaret when he was elected Westminster MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone on 9 April 1981, with 30,492 votes. Paddy Agnew and Kieran republican prisoners, were elected 1o the Southern parliament on 11 June 1981.

H-Blocks

These votes were based on the greatest 32 since the 1918-21 liberatin against Britain. votes against the spectacle of the consuuuona nabonalsu SDLP and Fianna Fail — standing idly by and allowing 10 young men to die horribly of starvation recognise that people jailed by courts with no juries for fighting for a united Ireland are not 'normal criminals.

They were accompanied by an enormous mobilisation of Irish people in solidarity with the prisoners - 100,000 al the funeral of Bobby Sands for example.

The Hunger strike campaign was a watershed in Irish politics because it conclus very showed against British rule is a 32 county strug gle.

Il showed, the role of the main political forces in that struggle: that the main props of British rule in the North are not only the unionists north of the border but also the capitalist parties

SMASH.H.BLOKK

MAGGIEiSA CRIM

Party south of

the North.

Sinn Fein

could republican movement

and John

by Gerry Adams.

were not

ment elections last year.

tionalist

status by FUne

of

ten thousand

Thatcher

domination

Doherty, both

- the Dail -

Fein which is

County mass campaign

of national

They Were the cause of Irish unity.

parties the

choice.

rather than

years.

Dialogue

The alternative

that the fighi

and British withdrawal.

Sinn Fein.

from Britain.

the present,

tions of the

speaking

Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Labour

the border. demonstrated that the SDLP is incapable of waging a struggle for even

made for the most elementary human rights in

But the most important impact of the H-blocks campaign was within the

itself. The servile worsnip lessons of the campaign were applied to the entire activity of Sinn Fein with the goal of transforming it into a mass cam- And paigning socialist party. The leadership of Sinn Fein passed to the current led

Sinn. Fein was able to show that the votes it received North of the border

savours temporary emotional response to the plight of the hunger classes, strikes, by going on to stand candidates and win 59 seats in the local govern-

Unlike all of the constitutional na-

parties Sinn Fein now stands for the liberation of women from the restrictions imposed on them by both the catholic church and orange bigotry.

Il is for a women's right to choose and

contraception theological divorce North and South of the border Il is developing a programme which really can unite the majority of the Irish nation, men and women against British

in the main,

And it is becoming stronger in the South. At this year's annual conference the proposal from the leadership that Sinn Fein should end its policy of abstention from the Southern parlia ment was only very narrowly defeated

It is this whole development of Sinn

the threat that has brought the Dublin government and Margaret Thatcher together - and not some belated conversion of Thatcher to testant.

The accord therefore faces the British labour movement with a basic realises at

Notwithstanding fine phrases about Irish unity, support for the accord is support for Thatcher's efforts 10 destroy the one mass political party in Ireland that has fought relentlessly for British withdrawal, Irish unity and social progress for the last sixteen

- at present supported by just 13 Labour MPs - is to gain a powerful ally in its own struggle against British capital by uniting with the Irish people 1o fight for Irish unity

That requires rejecting the accord and opening up a dialogue with British labour's natural allies in Ireland

Protestantism,

WE REPRODUCE here an article written in 1913 by the great irish marxist James Connolly. In it he explain: that the divisions in the Irish working class originate not in religion but in British domination of Ireland.

He shows that the key to uniting the Irish labour movement is to free Ireland

FROM TIME to time I propose to give some attention to the elucidation of the problems peculiar to Ireland and particularly to this part of it. For phasise the fact that religious affilia-

population of Ulster determine their political leanings to greater extent than is the case in any part of Europe outside the Balkans.

But the manner in which this has

I believe developed is also alique. that it is true to say that, politically

the Protestantism of the

North of Ireland has no parallel out. side this country, and the Catholicism of the Irish Catholics is, likewise peculiar in its political trend

To explain I mean that, whereas, Protestantism has in general

political freedom and political radicalism, it has been opposed to slavish worship of kings and aristocrats. Here, in Ireland, the word

convertible term with Toryism, lickspittle loyalty,

and hatred of all that savours of genuine political independence on the part of the 'lower classes.'

in the same manner, Catholicism which in most parts of Europe is synonymous with Toryism. lickspittle loyalty, servile worship of has

and hatred of all that of genuine political independence on the part of the lower

Ireland almost synonymous with rebellious tenden- most cies, zeal for democracy, and intense feelings of solidarity with all strivings upward of those who toil.

Such a curious phenomenon is easily understood by those who know the history of Ireland. Unfortunately for their spiritual welfare and I am using the word spiritual, not in its

but in its better significance as controlling mental and moral development upward Protestant elements of Ireland were,

plantation of strangers upon the soil from which the owners old had been dispossessed by force.

The economic dispossession was, perforce, accompanied by a political and social outlawry. Hence every attempt of the dispossessed to attain citizenship, to emerge from their state of outlawry, was easily represented as a tentative step towards reversing the plantation and towards replanting the Catholic and dispossessing the Pro-

Imagine this state of matter per sisting for over 200 years and one

once that the planted populaton — me r rotestants — wert bound to acquire insensibly a hatred of political reform and to look upon every effort of the Catholic to achieve political recognition as a insidious move towards the expulsion of Protestants. Then the Protesant always saw that the kings and aristocrats of England and Ireland were opposed by the people whom he most feared and from recognising that it was but an easy step to regard his cause as identical with theirs. They had a common enemy, and he began to teach his children that they had a common cause, and common ideals.

This is the reason - their unfortunate isolation as strangers holding a conquered country in fee for rulers

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

Catholicism

and Politics

alien to its people - that the so-called Scotch of Ulster have fallen away from and developed antagonism to political reform and mental freedom as rapidly as the Scots of Scotland have advanced in adhesion to these ideals.

The Catholics, for their part, and be it understood I am talking only of the Catholic workers, have been as fortunately placed for their political education as they were unfortunately placed for their political and social condition. Just as the socialist knows

class, being the lowest in the social system, emand oate use wour as a resul emancipating all other classes, so the

ly that he, being the most oppressed and disfranchised, could not win any modicum of political freedom social recognition for himself without winning it for all others in Ireland.

Every upward step of the Catholic

emancipated some one of the smaller Protestant sects; every suc cessful revolt of the Catholic peasant has given some added security even to those Protestant farmers who were

defending landlord. And out of this struggle the Catholic has, perforce toleration. He has learned that his struggle is, and has been, the struggle of all the lowly and dispossessed, and he has grown broadminded with the

of the slave revolt against slavery.

But with the advent of Home Rule, nay even with the promise of Home Rule and the entrance of Ireland upon the normal level of civilised self-governing nations, the

relation of Protestant Catholic begins to melt and dissolve, and with their dissolution will come a new change in the relation of either faith to politics. The loss of its privileged position will mean for Protestantism the possibilities of an immense spiritual uplifting; and emergence into a knowledge of its kinship with its brothers and sisters of different creeds.

Whether the entrance of Catholicity into a position of mere numerical voting power will lead, in its turn, to a withering up of those kindly feelings born of its past sufferings is another matter. I do not believe inal ll will, al least amongst toilers.

Our apprenticeship to misery has been too long, our journeyings in the desert of slavery have surely implanted in our breasts a sense of the criminality of any attempt to impose fetters upon omen such ourselves have worn. And out of that belief the writer looks forward with confidence to the future believing that the tale these Notes from Ireland will have to tell will be a hopeful one, even if the hope is nurtured amid storm and stress.

James Connolly Forward, 3 May, 1913.

Page 8 scan of this page

Build direct labour movement links

8

AT A MASS rally in Durban last

weekend South Africa's largest

independent trade union federation was launched. The

federation which

together all the chief independent unions and federations over half a million, mainly black,

members. This in and of itself is a tremendous achievement South Africa.

Even more significant was the use of the launch of the federation by its leaders to throw down the gauntlet to Botha on the Pass Laws. He has six months to abolish them or the new federation will lead a campaign of mass civil disobedience against them.

This decision, announced by the federation's president Elijah Barayi, vice president miners' union, marked the decision that the unions will play an active and leading role struggle against apartheid such, and not confine itself to the so-called 'bread and butter' issues of wages, hours and conditions.

The new federation, the Congress of South Trade Unions, will need massive support and solidarity British labour movement. On this Jare we •aIC reproducing Labour Party's position on links with the independent unions. This should be acted on now.

THE 1970s saw a major change in the South African political economy. The decade witnessed the development of a rapidly expanding,

(but African) trade union movement. the movement, although viewed considerable suspicion and on occasions viciously attacked, now appears to have established itself as a permanent feature of the South scene.

At the 1981 Labour Party Conference a resolution was unanimously adopted calling '. for the Party, working with our trade union colleagues, to provide assistance and training to the independent, racial trade union movement in South Africa.

We must work towards finding the most appropriate way plementing this resolution.

The first task Is those trade unions that can genuinely be considered to be 'indenendent and non-racial' from those that The unions affiliated to the South African Confederation of organising white workers in openly racist unions, clearly fails to these criteria.

Unions affiliated to the Trade Union Council of South

organising some Asian and Coloured workers as well as over 20,000 African workers, also cannot be accepted. Since its foundation in 1954 TUCSA has vacillated over the ordarisalon of workers. TUCSA first Alrican workers, ten admittea tem (1963), then finally expelled them (1969). In 1974, with the growth of African trade unions, TUCSA allowed Africans to affiliate, but generally organised them in exclusively African trade unions, in parallel to existing TUCSA unions. TUCSA's changing stance should be seen as the result of the growth and militancy of the independent non-racial which threatened TUCSA's credibiliLy as a major trade union federation.

TUCSA's African highly bureaucratic, relying organisationally on their parent unions for finance and general secretaries of the

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

South Africa's trade unions

brings

- has

within the

in the as

named African

from the

the

trade

For these I casulls. well organised be

calliol

noted they with brought into

dependent African The attitude of the

Labour floor democracy is non-existent.

nondustry. To meant that they Coloured and of im-

to distinguish

the Federation are not. Trade

Labour,

meel becomes a significant trend.

The non-racial unions Africa. characterised 170,000

addition,

CACa excluded Issues such as rents and

munity.

During

workers in • trade unions, August 1981

are continuing There are a Many parallel

unions are also the general secretaries those of the registered parent trade unions.

TUCSA

considered 'independent'. In addition it must be

are frequently firm with the operation of management to head off a recruitment drive by one of the in-

unions. : parent. unions to the unionisation of African workers is one of paternalism and their commit-

Lalll ment to workers' éducation and shop-

The remaining unions can generally be described as non-racial, since they organise all workers in an in-

date this has generally unionise African, workers, but them? their constitutions are non-racial, and once white workers are willing to join the unions they will be welcomed into membership. One union affiliated to

South Unions (FOSATU) recently made something of a breakthrough in recruiting some white workers into membership at a car plant, but clearly there is a long way to go before this

are also by a commitment to democracy so that the membership have a direct say in the policies and practices of their union.

bunit CUtsiderable links with other community Dascu Organisalons, co-operaling on

bus fares, South while in return receiving support for state. their industrial action from the com-

Perhaps most importantly, these unions are increasingly taking united range

the DrOLeStS followed the death in detention of the trade unionist Neil Aggett, the unions co-operated to bring out 100,000

La protest stoppage. In and April 1982 the unions met at a 'summit' to thrash out a common policy for the non-racial union movement a process which is

rapidly growing number of trade unions, but the best known and most representative are

groups around FOSATU CUSA (the Council of Unions of South Africa) and unaffiliated unions such as the General Workers Union, the South African Allied Workers Union and the Food and Canning Workers Union.

it there is anv doubt over the status of a union there should be consultations with the ICFTU, or the appropriate International Secretariat. These bodies are in cons-

with the non-racial unions and well able to advise on the policies and problems of the unions.

If these are the unions that we can support (and the list is not exhaustive) and the criteria by which we can judge them (non-racial, independent), what kind of solidarity can we have with

Forms of Solidarity

1. Solidarity Action in Britain

THE British labour movement has a long history of campaigning against

repression characterises apartheid. The labour movement supports United Nations sanctions against South Africa and unilateral steps reduce economic links between Britain and South Africa, as well as the development of a strong non-racial trade union movement in South Africa.

British unions can and do play a valuable role in assisting the non-racial unions in their struggles with

African management and the

i. South African trade unionists not infrequently fall foul of the regime's repressive laws. There are a

of measures including pickets, publicity, messages of support etc - that can be taken in order to bring pressure to bear on the South African unionists' release ii. The hand of workers in disputes in South African subsidiaries of British companies can substantially strengthened if British unions take action on their behalf. In the last few years, several examples of such action have taken place. For instance, 1981, at the request of the ICFTU and

after shop-floor

British Leyland plant at Cowley, Alex

Kitson and Terry Duffy of TGWU

and AUEW respectively

BL management

strike at the BL plant in Cape Town.

The intervention was successful. and

subsequently many of the Cape Town

workers WelC

Plant

2. Material Assistance

FINANCIAL and material assistance

have been supplied to the non-racial

trade unions by the ICTFU, the TUC

and a number of International Trade

Secretariats for a number of years. The

form that such assistance should take

can best be determined in consulta-

tion with the independent and non-

racial unions, but the following forms,

or assistance may oc appropriale

a. financial assistance for trade union

education in South Africa;

b. scholarships trade unionists; c. collections for

and for the families of jailed or vic-

timised workers d. subsidies for salaries of organisers

and for office and transport equipment.

The ban on FOSATU receiving such funds has ficulties but these have not generally proved to be insuperable, with the in

ternational labour movement porting a wide range of educational and organisational projects in South

Africa.

3. Visits to Britain

AN increasing number of non-racial umon representalives are visiling bIl

attend meetings trade union colleagues in this coun try. While contacts with racist trade unionists ascouragea, conlacts will represell tatives of the non-racial trade union movement assist in the establishment Trade of a real rapport between unions

These contacts have proved invaluable during solidarity must be based on an indenth knowlege of the organisations and personalities involved 4. Visits to South Africa

AS THE independent and non-racial unions have grown in strength they? have come increasingly to value their links with the international labour

Many tatives travel number of British unions have receiv-

trom African counterparts. non-racial unions in disputes have at times felt that a visit by members of the international labour movement would assist their case

At the the recognised that the South African government would, welcome such visits, since they could be portrayed as breaking the policy of boycotting the regime will be at pains to extract any propaganda value that it can from such visits.

It is therefore essential that any visit should only take place after consultations with the appropriate non-racial trade union, the TUC and the wide appropriate Secretariat.

Some guidance has been provided by those FOSATU unions affiliated

the International Federation. They following: 'We strongly favour fraternal contact between workers in South Africa and workers in other levels, provided this is guided by the interests and workers. Visits to south Africa and visits overseas should be based on the CONCICIC needs of workers.

meetings at the

tatives. met senior

in order put the company during a

re-employed at

shop

Lone stewards

Europe.

tober 1981).

for South African

workers on strike

Africa; ii. emphasis

caused some dit-

Africa;

, supAfrica

of be

Course

consultations

International disputes when race mon

Federation

Unions

union represen-

overseas and a

their South Unions In particular,

same time it must be

occasion,

South Africa. Certainly

WE

International Trade

Metalworkers suggested the Britain United States sidiaries

countries, al

makes

requirements 01

Visits

International

should involve not only top officials,

but also plant-based worker represen-

'The aim of these visits should be

to strengthen fraternal ties between

organised workers in ditterent counc

tries and to carry forward the struggle

for workers in South Africa to win the

same rights as have been won by

workers in other countries.

'Several visits to and from our

unions have already taken place with

stewards and union officials

from Europe visiting unions and fac-

and shop and officials from our unions travelling to the USA and

This contact has been

valuable and will be encouraged in the future, provided it takes place in ac cordance with the above principle

and guidelines' (Press Release, 22 Oc

These guidelines can be elaborated upon by suggesting that: i. visits should only take place at the

request of and according to a schedule

drawn up in co-operation between

British unions and the independent and non-racial trade unions in South

should be given company-based contacts, i.e. the ex

by representatives working for the same parent company in Britain and South

ili. British unions should specifically refrain from going on visits to South

organised by the South African government (or its front line organisations) or by companies with interests in South Africa;

Great care should be taken in making any statement to the media. concerning the visit.

If these guidelines are followed, visits to South Africa can be undertaken and the solidarity so vital to the international labour movement can be strengthened.

Note: In drawing up this document

were held with the following organisations:

. Confederation of Free

Trades Union Congress International Metalworkers Federa

International Transport Workers

International Union of Food and Allied Workers Associations South African Congress of Trade African National Congress Anti-Apartheid Movement Council of Unions of South Africa Federation of South African Trade SUPPORT DISMISSED

ROWNIREEVORKERS

WON'T EAT

WILSON ROWNTREE SWEETS! Spit out that fruit gum chum!

internationa firms based in Western Europe and the have established subsoult Africa, where labour is cheap. One such firm, sweet-

Wilson-Rowntree, sacked a number of workers after • a strike at their East London factory in 1980. In protest at this action the local community called for a boycott of all the CORLESSONS.

Page 9 scan of this page

News

Over: 1000 activists students and labour movement organisations met at the Anti-Apartheid Movement AGM last Sunday.

The broad agreement registered series of campaigning proposals reflected the confidence of a movement that has just built the biggest anti-apartheid demonstration ever in Britain. A 50 per cent growth in membership was reported, and plans were discussed for doubling this growth over tne comung montas

The AGM was opened with speeches from presentatives the

and SWAPO.

Greetings were read from the UDF and a telegram of support was sent COSATU the new trade tinion federation at the weekend.

AN 'Agenda for Action' with extensive proposals for activities in the next six months was

AAM tional secretary Mike Terry.

The report explained that the black people in South Africa, the solidarity movement Britain, had been able to strike major blows against the apartheid regime and its international backers over the past year.

Ever British government had been orced to make small policy shifts. The Movement now had to expose

A saried regime's counter-offensive, inclu-

US backing UNITA's military action in Angola.

paign for sanctions

campaign sanctions against South Africa. full plan of action, was outlined (see box).

From the statement of the National Executive Committee of the African National Congress, read to the Anti-Apartheid Movement conference.

THE AFRICAN National Congress, on behalf of the fighting people of South Africa. greets the annual

eneral meeting

British Anti-Apartheid Manene WISI

The AGM takes • immediately after more than 100,000 British people took to the streets

London demanding sanctions now!' and support for the ANC.

Tames The fire is

fire liberation is engulfing the

The avaltheid political DOUCHEI and economic

crisis. apartheid crumbling. The ANC calls on our people to help make the coun try ungovernable. This is exactly what the people are

doin they're destroying the

structures of apartheid in the black ghettoes. The ANC calls on the people to take the struggle the white areas. They're doing just that. The racists are in

frenzy. Even the businessmen are in a frent• licy are abkile I0l ad vice from the ANC!

Anti-apartheid conference

Agenda for action

representing local groups,

on a major

A resolution confirming the AAM's committment to campaigning for

diplomatic links between Brianna South Africa was agreed.

WO DON caused considerable con-

These contain trovesy.

By Anne Kane, Hackney and Tower Hamlets AAM

proposals that the AAM should broaden its platform to take on campaigning on general anti-racis issues proposed by Bradford AAM — and in opposition to the Prevention of Terrorism Act proposed by Edinburgh branch of the ultra-left Revolutionary Communist Group.

adopted

DOLI welc after amendment to clarify that LUIS involved the AAM extending support to other struggles rather than changing its own platform. The PTA was opposea in ils use against South African and other anti-apartheid activists.

These differences revealed two entirely different directions for the movement.

Either the AAM can be

brell in the broades possi

Hovellell azallist apartheid, uniting all those who are disgusted by the South African regime on this sole basis. Or there is the proposal of the RCG

ANC: We're counting on you'

ting the on tronts

school boycotts, the church

rganisatiol South

the South side Africa and

. The

and suc-

not then

hurt

boycotting super

What

ing know

LIC UNCIVES. They children.

In

people, try

that the movement should effectively be confined to those who also oppose the PTA, and any other ques-

Such an approach - In restricting and confining the forces we are prepared

mobilise against apartheid to agree

of programmine other questions would be a grave disservice to the people of South Africa.

While the AAM can, and should, lend its sup-

port to other struggles, its first responsibility has to be the people of South Africa. This means simplest possible platform

opposition aval theid for sanctions now, and the broadest possible mobilisations.

This difference underlay ine question o1 Ine status of City of London AAM which filiated as a group by the

CommuLLet February 1985, though individuals retain their na tional membership.

The facts presented to the NC indicated that the City AAM was attempting

native national movement by recruiting members na tionally, with-holding funds from national AA, and calling its own 'national' actions in London.

two-thirds vote against reinstatement was Inuenced by ine aisrup tive tactics of the City group and the RCG, in

their lives.

South

progressive, and peo

women, workers, black

political

Our ale youl battles.

We need and expect solidarity LOre British people. The ANC

asking the of

JCODIC British increased solidarity with us.

SUNS putting more pressure on the British covernment to im. pose sanctions apartheid, demanding the withdrawal of the racist South African troops from

demanding une withdrawal of racist South Aincan troops from parts

on nola, er and athe

unbanning and its allies demanding the unconditional release of Nelson Mande a and al political prisoners, demanding the end of the state of emergency.

hasten the downfall of the apartheid

The people South Africa are counting on you. Do not disappoint them. Do not fail them.

cluding constant heckling with terms like "Botha', 'Judas' and 'scab'

Aside from the political differences, there

underlying problem

the structure of the Movement. No one should be witch-hunted for their political VieWs. but Cit

only possible while there is no weighted delegate structure for conference.

Individuals, local groups and labour movement delegates all have the same status. Those in London, who mobilised for

can easily •LIC COnCICICe. dominate by sending every possible supporter.

The campaigning priorities allow every possibility for such a mass solidarity movement Will the south people to continue to grow in Britain, the heartland of international support for Botha.

The way to deal with this is through a represenLalive structure which would result in accountable

caucishp bodies.

Action guide

for a coordinated dav of sanction:

action against Barclays

• 1 March Trade union completion

conference

• 17-23 March Week of

local trade union action

around sanctions

• 19 March Mass lobby

of Parliament

• 22 March Day of local

demonstrations for first

anniversary of papers called Young Socialist.

wing in London attracted

Not over 400.

The meeting was an oc-

Cliff Slaughter and other WRP speakers. Slaughter

and all who the lessons can certainly

Such objective degenerate prac-

seemed ge-

RELEASE

MANDELA

INAL CONS

UTH ALR

• January Date to be set massacre and demanding

• 1 June Target date for certain South African goods boycotts

June Nationa 'Freedom March' in Lon

campaign against Richard Shops, which has taken over the Next South Alcan coining contrac Langa 1o be prioritised

WRP: the crisis deepens

FOLLOWING the expulsion of Healy and the split in the Workers' Revolutionary Party both wings have been holding major public meetings to attempt

Both groups claim to be the real WRP, both produce newspapers called the Newsline, and youth

have Newsline are being rejected. In Newsline they state that the WRP unde Healy's guidance: • supported • the murde of 21 Iraqi communists in 1979 • adopted a chauvinistic position in the early part wall will Argentina over the Malvinas by 11Ul advocating the defeat of British imperialism • adapted to imperialist pressure in response to the Brighton bombing by the IRĂ of the Tory party conterence last aurumn • held wrong positions on the miners strike lurching from it's a revolu

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

SOLDARTY SANG TONS

16 December

tion' to a 'return to work

• turned WRP branches

debt-collection

finance the daily Newsline. • gave uncritical support

figures like Libyan leader

these changes in political position, Banda and Slaughter

be Healy's bureaucratic expulsions and physical intimidation within the WRP, and are rejecting the method of accusing political opponents of being CIA or FBI agents

Connie Harris who was expelled in 1960 from the WRP's predecessor the Socialist League — speaking at the London meeting made the point that it was all very well to reject all these positions, but it was not clear what I was replacing them

She pointed out that the rot did not start in the WRP in the '70s, already there in the SLL,

the '60s Connie plained that the WRP

9

South Africa Heroes'

Day (Founding day of Umkhonto we Sizwe)

Public Meeting 7pm, Conway Hall, Red Lion Sq., London WC1 Speakers include:

Aziz Pahad, ANC national executive SWAPO representative

Called by: ANC

would have to totally break from the method of frame-ups and slanders against its political op ponents. This method had effect of immunising the WRP against objective political USCUSS Ull walling it off from participation in united front type actions with other forces.

Clearly the WRP is at a turning point. The expell ed members along with Healy himself, have kept a total silence on the charges againt him, thereby covering up for his despicable actions At the same time the Banda/Slaughter wing of the WRP seems thrashing about and failing to find the explanation for the disaster that has hit their organisation. While they SCCL prepared have a reasonably • open discussion about this present they are nowhere near the solution.

Moreover tionable, however far go in rejecting the old Hea ly formulas, whether there is space on the British lett for another SWP-type group, however 'healthy it becomes.

Page 10 scan of this page

10 WOMEN IN the Labour Party are throwing down the gauntlet to all those in the leadership of the Labour Party pay lipservice to supporting women, but vote down every one of Labour women's demands.

women's section of Labour's NEC to be directly elected by Labour women's conference, this year the Labour Womens' take the bull by the horns.

By Jude Woodward, Labour Women's Action Committee executive, personal capacity

snadow elections will be held for the NEC places reserve or women m al the 1986 women's conference. We will then be able to compare the legitimacy of the NEC democratically elected by Labour's official women's conference, and the NEC women's places appointed by the trade union bloc votes. AGM

Organising this campaign will be the subject of the major discussion at the

is a campaign that will once again put the fight in the Labour women's organisation back at the top of the agenda.

Labour women are being forced to confront male chauvinism in Labour's leadership because the last year has

WIDENING THE

SATURDAY DEC. 14th 1985 7 ENCLOSE THE BASE WIDEN THE WEB AND CARRY GREENHAM HOM

Socialist Action 6 December 1985 'We are women, we are strong' — closing song at Women Against Pit Closures conference, Sheffield, August 1985

Labour women:

organising to win

- starting with Neil Kinnock — who

Having campaigned for several years for the

Action Committee will have to

starkly revealed the depth of the opposition women's demands in the val Ly demands were overwhelm. w ne WAC's

ingly adopted LIC women's conference, it is clear itself atty. Con ference that no DIULICS has been made in the party as a whole.

Quite the There were fewer resolu-

agendan party contence

agenda recent and even the one WAC resolution supported by the NEC, calling Facts for women to be included on shortlist, was voted down on conference floor.

Alongside this there

has been the disgrace of

GREENHAM COMMON O

EMBRACE THE WORLI

out of the first 200 prospective candidates selected for parliamentary seats were women.

These facts have had a sobering, effect on many women in the party, cluding among those who were sceptical about the importance WAC's demands for the most elementary democracy for But overwhelmingly this is turning into anger.

This year's AGM has to reflect that anger. Our number one goal must be

translate iustitied outrage into national conronauon with male chauvinism and those who prop it up in the Labour Party.

The 'shadow' election by women's conference of the women's section of the NEC will demonstrate that women are not asking for any favours - we intend to take our equal place in Loe labour movement. This will resolve some • the problems WAC's perspective in the last year, which was marked by the absence of any such initiative aimed at the party as a whole.

Individual campaigns around reselection by their very nature take place in

consumerces creating a series of isolated local battles. , Unfortunate-

WAC did not take up the limited opportunities that did present themselves to organise national, public campaign.

Scargil

The emergence of Women Pit Closures gave le perfect opportunity for such campaign. Here, Scargill put women demonstrated to millons of trade unionists, in a bitter class struggle, that not only are they capable. playing an equal role in the labour movement, lney are capable of leading it.

This has continued with the role of dozens of WAPC groups campaigning to defend the NUM in areas like Notts, -fighting for an amnesty for victimised miners and in arguing tor WAPC itself to be recognised as a con stituent part of the NUM

This was the most unprecedented relation betweet and an industrial trade union com-

both men

gle, HILLS and fact that

demands the labour

with

had been closely with fighting these women. centrally in

con ballic especial v in the mining seats the whole would

have demonstrated WAC's interests few opponents

their

Alliances

Building such alliances with women like those in the mining communities

WAC has outwards and adopt more public campaigning approach. Everywhere that women are demonstrating only struggle, but lead the working class in real Dalworking class in real battles in the mining communities, at Greenham, in the black communities, in Ine Ivor or irelana, South Africa - WAC has

be there championing them.

Women in the Labour Paough is enough and the Party saying that strategy demanded is one of confrontation, going public, CanDale allu directly linking up with all women actually elections provide she core The NEC 'shadow of such an approach - but this cannot be solely posed in terms or te formanties procedures and voting al

We need a campaign around it that begins now. with meetings in every area of the country which lake he struggle out of the cor tions, wards and GCs and

into the broader labour movement. Together with women from the mining communities, black women, ANC women, women from Ireland, WAC has to

have a real say in the

movement it will never meet our needs. Choice

We must not underestimate the scale of the battle we are taking on, nor the fact that our gains will not be made rapidly.

that breeds demoralisation, it is failing to really take up the fight. The

feeling are not really even mobilising the support we have got, and the support we can potentially win, in an effective way.

The Labour Women's Action Committee faces a choice at its AGM. Not the choice of whether it con-

demands or for some other

Nor about whether the women on the WAC executive are

as proposed in the current issue of Labour Briefing or what its image' is. choice WAC faces is about how WAC campaigns for its demands, what strategy is has.

campaign has to b

based on the actual struggles of women. in alliance with all those who are prepared to support And this is the second ele ment of the choice WAC Tas Lo make - whether 11 is prepared to mobilise its potential allies.

Kinnock

WAC has to be prepared to make the judgement that what matters is where you stand when

comes the vole hat wowers oculallus.

me, much the Cam

much of the Campaign Group, some other unions are with us, and should Dialforms, issuing statements

ing alongside us.

Neil Kinnock on the other hand, .for lipservice to women, is one of the chief props of the male chauvinism of the

for when it comes to the vote, he votes No.

Silentnight:

'a battle about

class'

BARNOLDSWICK, small town in North Lancashire, was packed to its last Saturday 2,000 people marched in support of the Silentnight strike.

The strike at Silentnighl las now lasted for six months. with the entire 500-strong workforce hay. ing been sacked. The con-

By Dick Withecombe tinuation of the strike has been aided by the suppor given at this year's TUC

he strike is to be the subject of three-hour tende in baramcat on December, when local MP Peter Pike will be speaking for the Labour front bench.

Already the strike has received nearly £100,000, through national and International solidarity. Support has come from as far away as Sri Lanka.

The solidarity network built over the 12 months of the miners' strike has been available to the Silentnight strikers from day one of the dispute.

Dennis Skinner MP, speaking al the rally, described it as the same

"This battle has got the

of the National Executive Committee who voted to sustain the rights of those Liverpool councillors last 'Wednesday.'

Euro MP Bob Cryer

Forgemasters'

THE SEVEN week old strike by 700 steel workers at Sheffield Forgemasters Atlas site

stronger than ever following a stormy mass meeting last Fri day which forced ISTC officials to withdraw a return to work instruction.

The all-out strike began on 16 October in response to a far-reaching management offensive By Martin Hill

MacGregor style, as one worker put it

For five years wages at Forgemasters have fallen

two of those years there has been no increase at all The plant suffered massive job Forgemaster

JUSSES. argued that this was necessary to restore profitability

Workers were intimidated hv the situatior in Sheffield's steel in-

which ha seen over 20,000 jobs go since 1980. Now the Atlas site i making profits but management's attitude hasn't changed

This year, they offered a paltry f4 a week across the board, then even that was withdrawn. Instead they "re-organised' the site into five separate companies, and refused negotiate at site level alive

The central shop steward's committee was

News

echoed remarks:

shown by

message

• th

Liverpool or er it's in

Wales, and Yorkshire, with

Peggy, from the

Common, gave

•celebrating.

time.

Mone

"TAI 92 oranci 10 Rainhill Barnoldswick, Colne, Lancastire

strike:seven weeks

declared 'unnecessary the union office was closec and venor's post abolished Existing agreements nave been torn up The joint works health and safety committee abolished. And now management say they will rule on which shop stewards are acceptable to them!

At the neighbouring River Don plant, Forgemasters have tried to ban shop • steward: meeting to discuss the

management offensive

way there, demands for a no-strike deal on recent £3.4 mimon order, and a lilica to existing agreements.

Forgemasters the biggest private employer in Sheffield. A victory there .. would be a huge boost to other workers in the stee and engineering industry,

whom face similar threats.

Support for the strike is spreading especially the engineering and min-

The striker: have produced leaflets and stickers and organised regular • city centre collec tions. As Christmas abe

they'll proache. needing all the support licy call get. • Donations, requests for information and speakers to: Ron Ward, , secretary, shop stewards committe SOUTE centre AUEU House, Furnival Gate, Sheffield

Page 11 scan of this page

News

UDM exposed in Leicester

'LEICESTERSHIRE NUM leader Jack Jones in a stunning expose of conspiracs and corruption has revealed to the

Union's National Executive Committee the extent of the Coal Board's involvement in the breakaway organisation based in Nottinghamshire.

'A hushed NEC, meeting on the morning of Friday, 15th November. listened intently as Mr Jones described how NCB chiefs:

'PLEADED WITH HIM to briag Leicestershire into the breaka» 2!

'OFFERED HIM financial remards if his Area left the N M

'ADMITTED that the purpose of the breakaway is to 'get rid of Scargill and Peter Heathfield

'THREATENED to withold any wages offer until the \UM accepts all the Board's terms on incentive payments.

Among the points which stunned the NEC was the revelation that Jack Jones had himself been offered the presidency of the breakaway by Roy Lynk last July?

Miner reported the resolve the outstanding latest development in question oi our memberthe NCB's campaign to ship of the Leicester Area. smash the NUM. compromise Was

Mick Richmond, reached whereby our one of the 'Dirty Thir- union dues for the duraty, explains how the tion of the strike would be paid, a guarantee given of fight defend the no disciplinary action, and union is taking place in Jack Jones would come Leicestershire. out in open support of the

NUM. Jones said that he needed us. striking miners, as the union was facing a difficult time. reterses wnen Il came lo ine Bagworth branch meeting, port of the Jack jones gave a brilliant campaign in Der- speech for one hour twen-

minutes, slamming the UDM and the activities of the Leicester alca picol deni campaigning against the NUM.

However tere was a Tony their lot of hostility from the

350 Dresci At the 12 of us who had sup-

tober, of The eventual vote was

fifty-fifty on the call for the Area Council organise a ballot on the

The colliery bicakaway.

was Jones is now frequentEllistown, where iv in the press and on the area Terry radio explaining the case Hughes is They for the NUM. Also local voted for a leaders of the Power group

firsdoing likewise, for the

organised first time.

Arthur was It's a pity that both sides didn't do this eighicen montas ago.

'Racists out!' at Ford

A UN QUE agreement to sack 'employees found to be distributing racist literature or engaging in any other act tikely to cause racial disharmony' has been won by trade union action in Ford Dagenham Assembly Plant (PTA). The agreement will cover the whole of Dagenham operations.

Two foremen have already been suspended and will-be removed from the plant. A third, Tony Lecomber - the British National Party thug who blew himself up trying to plant a bomb outside the Clapham offices of the Workers Revolutionary Party — has been sacked.

The incident which food, potatoes' and sparked the 'What method did vou use place on the nightshift of 7 to illegally enter the counNovember. Two foremen try started circulating a racist The response was im'joke" employment ques- mediate. As the filth cirnorre co selecleo wine culated workers began

This contained walking off the job. There comments such as "Name were no less than 17 ditWest indians should ist all father known) ferent stoppages and by

mid-shift hundreds of trim possibilities on a separate and final assembly sheet', and 'Main workers had gathered in of income: Mugging, the main canteen demanDrugs, Prostitution (tick ding ine sackine of the as applicable)'. foremen responsible. d.

Particularly aimed The action was easily Asians WCIC 'Please tick • HELIC WaKC Ol your staple diet: curry, pel the Lecomber bombing

ONLY ONE month after the NCB intervened into the Nottinghamshire NUM ballot on the breakaway with the 'carrot' of their pay offer, the empty promises are already ringing hollow.

Disattection is show. ing amongst those miners

ILUG believing that membership

the UDM would guarantee them wage packet of £400 per week.

Not only has the wage increase worked out to paltry £1.90 per week extra

some, but also the NCB has begun driving through productivity measures without any negotiation.

They are threatening to

travelling payments, which would considerably extend working time underground,

Already management are using any excuse to

the previous weekend militant shop stewards had won unanimous support for a policy of refusing to work with racist or fascist supervision.

at exactly the same: time the two Lucilan werencia their racist filth, a leaflet from left-wing Ford Workers Group was going around the plant calling on

tees and union branches to 'follow

icad Dagenham PTA stewards

telling the company: "We will refuse to work with these evil bastards"

of history's happier accidents!

"ne cueces were aken up next morning by black

other senior stewards. LICy threatened LO SLUl the whole plant if the two were not removed By ear-

vice-president manufac-

dock time.

cher.

the leadership

the decision NCB to

been back some

This

the

all

There that

NUM

turing, of Was in the

The suspension foremen the promist dismissal

company tunities and

believe that. being

Policy

they were

considering Nunes

Asial

Nottingham: the fight goes on

Tribunal

on the

the

knock these at-

means

in Notts,

indications

of the

split. One'

at Blid-

Europe,

was the

two plant, instant racist acrevamped

opporawareness

circulated

'We from right,

good No doubt

the

possiworkforce

worth, is now recruiting an average of 10 members a WECK

However, •despite the opportunities that opening up for rebuilding the NUM in Notts it would ve woluto urucresumalt

still exist Heathfield, NUM General Secretary, speaking at a social for the victimised miners in Rainworth last Friday made this point forcetully.

He emphasised that we siriggle and he called for face and that fight. In particular, , he explained the need for militants to avoid taking action which could lead to

However while the NUM does indeed face a very serious situation, there are still gains being won. The Rainworth social also celebrated reinstatement of Ken Petney, who had been sacked from Blidworth colliery.

that they will refuse to take the racist foremen there.

This is a very real victory against racism militant rank and file trade union action. As one denanted shop steward said: It was just like the old days the mid seventies: the blokes just started walking off the 10b° That's situation Ford has

• nol naa lo con tend with for several years ana explains management's panic.

After all, in this year's pay offer they are trying to force through a two year

and a radical productivity deal sweeping

job clarealon. amongst lineworkers and between trades. The last thing they want renewed is workforce with confidence in its ability to fight and win at local level.

cvery. where should use and build on our victory.

Socialist Action 6 Decerber 1955

Students set to

fight apartheid

THIS YEAR'S NUS conference, to be held on 6 to 8 December, looks set to be the biggest this decade, with an estimated 2000 delegates expected to turn out. creased acivities of NUS This reflects the and students all over the country over recent HUll ths, , especially in solidarity with the struggle

asallis apartheid in South Africa.

Student anti-apartheid groups nave been sprouting everywhere this vear. with one result being 64 student banners on the anti-apartheid demonsra tion of 2 November, all with large numbers of students behind them.

Accordingly, South Africa, along with educa tion cuts, will be the priori-

subject TOT debate NUS conference. The

Xmas greetings to

the miners

11

Cartoon from The Miner cals fol sanctions

and of all Africar

tou of ANC SWAPO speakers col

actions the AAM

This is excellent

will ensure motion

and the NOLS leadership the NUS.

to the tull

For

organise campaign among

links.

THE National Miners' Amnesty Campaign produced 10,000 Christmas cards, each in-

addressed - one of the sacked and jailed miner. revenge of the NCB and the Tories for the strike

Each card costs which will be sent NUM National Solidarity Fund. Bulk : orders sale or return basis. Send your order to Christmas Cards. , 4 The Grove, Las caster LA1 3AL.

Page 12 scan of this page

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'One federation - one country' South African unions unite

THE LAUNCH of the new Congress of South African Trade Unions last weekend is a milestone for the liberation struggle. brings unions with a combined membership of nearly half a million

dustry — in the mines, engineering, automobile, textile and transport sectors — as well as in retail trade and food.

COSATU, as the federation is called, is the product unity talks which have spanned four years, and brings together the now-to-be-disbanded FOSATU, the NUM and the unions affiliated to the United Democratic Front.

The Congress's President is Elijah Barayi,

0-year-old vice presider

›f the National Union ‹ Mineworkers and a former activist in the African National Congress before it was banned

Speaking the 10,000-strong launch rally

Sunday, under the banner of 'One

one counTecerallul try', Barayi called for

abolition of the pass laws nationalisation the

and for disinvestIlllcs. ment by foreign panies.

answered the arguments of those like Thatcher that sanctions or SOnin ATTIC WOld more harmful to black

than to the ee siece 16ksh, he sard WOrKCIS

since 1652', said; referring to the date when whites started to settle in South Africa. 'COSATU is therefore in favour of sanctions': he declared despite it being illegal to call for sallcliol under South Africa's apartheid Jaws

In an interview after the rally Barayi further

explained the role of the new federation. COSATU's main function, he said

wold be to 'organise and

educate the black masses,

just wage and bread-and-butter issues OUIL broader political issues too'.

Another speaker at the

ally was Cyril Ramaphosa

general secretar

NUM Ramaphosa also took up the political role

the new federation

'COSATU he liberation contri-

bute 10 the

struggle', he declared, ad-

ding that such political in-

volvement should not be at

the expense OT building

suppori on the shop floor.

Ramaphosa went on to

explain that "the fac! that

there is no clear pollca

direction among the work-

Ing. class is a lilitallol COSATU to point a direc- This why want

tion for the working class

The new federation together 34 of the country's independent

It will represent workers throughout basic in-

of this country'

The political direction of the Congress was further underlined by the DI Cocace of United Democratic Front members Billy Nair and Kenneth Ndlovu who were welcomed by the 900 Congress delegates as observers The congress also callea ior uroops le

out of the township and for the release of ANC leader Nelson Mandela.

By Jon Silberman secrelary is Jay Naidoo, ot COSATU's

Sweet, Food and Allied Workers Union. An Indian, Niciion cle ibe

nolCauol growing unity between dif ferent sections of the black workers and an affirma tion of COSATU's non raciai comatlsene unitary state: one federa

- one country!

Not attiliated to the new federation are CUSA the Council of Unions of South Africa with 180,000 members and the smaller Azanian Confederation of Trade Unions - both of which are associated with 'black consciousness' DOINICa organisations. The official state-regulated federation, TUCSA (which has

dramațic unaergonk decline with the rise of the new independent unions), is excluded

The importance of the new federation in welding logether a united force of the black working class cannot be overstated.

Elijah Barayi showed in speech what movement represents

wnel delivered

ultimatum lo the regime

over the pass laws, which require blacks per manently carry documents proving they Slave

'permission' work

Blica. 'White

arca.

'COSATU gives Botn

six monins io gel ra o passes', he declared thunderous applause that does not take place we

will DUT of

the black man ... I want to

give PW Botha a lasi war-

ning 1o get rid of the pass

laws and lo withdraw the troops from the lownships

before the country burns.

← Socialist Action No. 123, 29 November 1985Socialist Action No. 125, 20 December 1985 →

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