THE COLOSSAL impact of the miners strike, and its outcome, has reshaped the left wing Labour movement almost beyend recognition. The effects reshaping are now beginning to work temselves through beyond the initial emergence 'realigned left' of Sawyer, Hain, Tribune and others. The reshaping now takes in virtually the entire left wing of the labour movement.
One of the aspects of this has been discussion on the left concerning the launching of a new paper. JOHN ROSS looks at the current of the left and the specific stale question of what type of paper the left needs.
THE OUTCOME of the miners strike, and its aftermath, saw the previous lett wing of the labour movement divide into three different parts precisely the strike and its brought to breaking point the divisions which already existed. These three currents which emerged were fairly clearly defined despite the inevitable overlappuncertainty as dividuals and criss-crossing on specific issues. These three currents are beginning to acquire SONLUSU distinct organisational form.
The first current is most correctly defined as the Kinnockite although it prefers to refer to itself as the 'realigned left' or "broad left'. Its most typical representatives Meacuci. Sawyer, Blunkett, Labour Coordinating Committee, and Tribune. Ken Livingstone is part of this - although, as we well see, • or more outlulllc majority there will certainly oppressed can advance in • regards Illbe adressed. be given. But in reality, tical choices, in the most direct left the of, the bourgeoisie. of any socialist advance in the party. Any serious defence of the interests of the working class and oppressed must start with a clear underslanding that mas. there will probably be an anti-Labour in the next parliament, be an anti-socialist majority. How the working class and that situation, not entertaining illusions in Kinnock, is a central question which must underneath the lac, the Kinnockite left is a reformist left not just ideologically but sense that it directly limits struggle of the working class and oppressed to what capital is prepared to afford now. That is, the Kinnockile lett porl, in practice accepts that the working class can only advance with the permission of, and subject to the profitability phraseology and the meaning of that policy is quite clear. The next Labour government is going to preside over unemployment because capital won't accept anything else. If you are a man or woman in a well paid job, or you are a civil servant who wants their civil liberties increasing, then Labour may have something 1o offer you. But if you are unemployed, or live in an inner cily, or are ablack youth, forget it. You are going 1o get it in the neck just as much from Neil Kinnock as from Margaret Thatcher. Neither is going lo give you a job. This is then described as a 'socialist' perspective!
This Kinnockite left however has a contradictory base as parts of its supsections of the trade unions leadership, are under pressure from their membership - was secii over the miners al the TUC Congress and Labour Party conference The reality of the choice facing the Kinnockite left is quite simple. If what is to be demanded is only what capital is prepared lo afford then entire sections of British society - nol 1o mention the working class abroad - are going 1o be consigned by Labour 1o the scrapheap That is the le New Silatesman, of the faithfully ihrough by the Kinnockite left the logic, through in lodays conditions, policy of left wing class collaboration: Ine cez mal that the problems con fronting the working class and oppressed can be resolved on the basis of collaboration with the bourgeoisie or by the reformist means available lo the Clarity The second current which emerged out of the pre-1984 left, unlike the Kinnockites, is most accuralely enlitled the class struggle left. Ils most representative forces and leaders the Scargill wing of the NUM; the Campaign group of MPs; Women Against Closures; the black section; the demands, although not all the forces, of the Women's Action Committee; the Campaign tor Democracy; the Labour Committee on and a series of forces in the irade unions, local councils, Constituency Labour Parties elc.
Ideologically this emerging
struggle current contans everyihing from lefl reformists, who are its vası majorily, through classic 'centrists, !o Marxisis. But what defines this left is its atlitude lo the living class struggle. I! is prepared lo subordinale lhe ineresis of the working class and op. pressed to what the bourgeoisie - internationally In prepared lo afford or accepl. forces in it are prepared in practice 1o defend loday whatever ideological reason they give for it - the interests of the working class and oppressed.
Demand Scargill and hose who supporled him in the NUM, were not prepared to subordinate the defence of jobs and the mınıne commie tue oros ul the NCB. They have also supported the other means.
Since the end of the miners strike the Campaign group, or various of its members, have deepened their position by defending the black communities, supporting black sections, opposing the witch hunt, producing A Million Jobs A Year, and voting against the Anglo-Irish Accord.
Women Against Pit Closures, in then collaboration with the NUM, forged the key social alliance in the miners ana one nol financial base available for reforms to the GLC, but on the base of a brutal struggle against the NCB. Convergence basic Issue organisation of black people inside the Labour Party but has rapidly deepened its politics supported the miners, black Coml. riots, denounced Kinnock over South Africa, and have come out strongly the witch Militant's attack on the black section.
An important development has also canned laken place in the lesbian and gay com munity with the formation of Lesbians carne of a and Gays Support the Miners, and the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights, On international politics, in addition, a clarification the positions of this class struggle lett has laken place. step on this of course was the vole of 13 members the against the Anglo-Irish followed a developing dialogue belween sections of the Labour left and Sinn nas Fein — a dialogue particularly organised ihrough the Labour Committee on situation. created on the tuldy June forces right The black section actively class struggle.
defended the against (he police on the hunt despite righlly, ingstone.
and denening of Ine most Impollail Campaign group Accord. This ot ll. masses noi a struggle for power can be expressed in CLPD's view th today the Irft finds itself in a defensh But whatever the different langua used the content is exactly the same. l is that the left today is a minority not only in the labour movement but in the working class. It is not faced with an immediate or short term 'struggle for power'. It is faced with a task of wining ing of a majority to a socialist perspec: tive - a mojority which does not exist conclusions immediate follow from this analysis. : The first is emphasis on mass campaignin The second is that these class strug musl both organised clarified temselves, and that they m lake the initiative on specific issues di draw in far wider forces on questio which correspond to the needs of th This approach can be seen clearly miners amnesty campaign where the initiative of the NUM drew forces from the base of Kinnock to wil the vote at the TUC and Labour Par conferences. The same approach calt has maintained his clear position of opr seen on Ireland where Ken Livinston position 1o the Anglo-Irish Accore and where the Labour Committee O Ireland and the Campaign group have acicl LO-CuC with LiVe The same approach can be seen on the witch hunt where some of those forces who voled in favour of the enquiry into Liverpool District Party may nevertheless finish up opposing the expulsions which will be proposed out This approach is not a sectarian one al all. Il flows from the needs of the class struggle and the attitude of the class struggle left 1o Kinnock.