THE BIRTH of the Congress of South African (COSATU) at the end of last year was a source of inspiration many workers in this country.
of this non-racial union federation - the strongest organisation amongst ever seen in South African history — was an enormous advance in the liberation struggle. million workers with membership in over 30 different unions, united into a single federation, in itself is an important achievement.
the establishment BUT COSATU is even more significant on another count. Aler lour years ol often difficult negotiations debate — as well as common perience in struggle — COSATU was founded on the basis of agreement on an important political principle: that Will.
COSATU can defend its members only if it organises in their defence both as workers, and as disenfranchised citizens or soul Alca.
COSATU recognises that the unions themselves must take a leading role in the struggle to overthrow the theid state; that the fight to achieve Iner most immediate jectives is inseparable from the fight for their political rights.
Incredibly, Dick Carter, commenting on the formation of COSATU in Socialist Action ('COSATU and the ANC', 10 January), fails to highlight this signal advance for trade unionism in South Africa. Instead, this article, relving for its facts on a single. sided Power! by VicShane et al. chooses to attirm the record founding principles FOSATU. 1 ne artialea unions ol this federation had the largest number of adherents of all the components tual WelL into the tormallor COSATU. Yet the basis of the initial foundation of FOSATU was a rejection of union involvement in politics.
It ill befits Socialist Action to be raking up ine old amongst the trade union activists in South Africa at this time. But having done so, it is important that Socialist «cов readers are appraised of the true record as the same principles remain indispensible in the face of new challenges will COSATU Carter's article looks at the past positions of two major trends involved in the unity: unions that looked to the ANC for a lead, such as SACTU;
the black unions affiliated to FOSATU. The article correctly points to the importance of their common nosition or 'the issue of non-racialism' our. This approach was the hallmark of SACTU when It was 1955, and when FOSATU appeared in the late 1970s, it also identified with non-racialism.
issue became the sticking point for any broader unity, but SAC argues that should continue to unions remaining outside COSATU, CUSA and Azactu, from joining the new federation.
But then the problems Carter's article begin. Firstly, it fails to consider FOSATU's past views on the luvolvernenl unions themselves — as opposed to seeing strictly economic organisations which workers can use as an organisational base to act from, in the broader how clicul Secondly, Carter insists repeatedi that Political i all 'tactical' issues which FOSATU and SACTU, was proved correct', :horoughly vindicated', "on out completely', and so on. The message of the article is unambigous:
SACTU/ANC Was wrong.
Carter's judgment of FOSATU's tacUnions to workers Half a of •ano organisation, Naval"
economic obUlIC Dennis of differences they might have Lenninist' This judgement COnIORL Line unions, vindicated Have OCCu the light of recent experience. or colfounded in for the history Organise... 'non-racialism' the link between economic gains and struggle, SACTU WCIt with historic role UNC Iberaton. Political rights 'Rejecting politics seperated 'FOSATU 'FOSATU was ed working conditions. 'FOSATSU This was ingeedi ano une socials revoldon. this point South African workers take the country's gold to private stores tics is that If they had been theorised unions been described as grave misunderstanding of Lenin's views on points to where Carter goes wrong. Indeed, the record shows that it is SACTU's views (and therefore those of the ANC) which although SACTU's own views have, of course, themselves undergone an evolution in This idea that it is indispensible in the fight to overthrow apartheid rule unions to become more political is a cornerstone of SACTU, the union federation founded in 1955 which joined the Congress Alliance in its founding year. SACTU's official . or Starve! puts it this way: 'By clearly recognising the the struggle for general une the founders of calling upon the workers of South Africa to fulfil their become the spearhead in the struggle for national al cuts the slogan of "no the movement", SACTU leaders refused to divorce the struggle for political rights and power from the day-to-day struggle for higher wages and improvthe same message that Lenin and the Bolsheviks repeatedly stressed, while writing about unions - on ponucs ana le — the message is still relevant. ll s wnal Is meant oy their call Ic develop the unions and factory committees 'into powerful revolutionary weapons'.
The Communist when it was led by Lenin, explained 'time immemorial theory of neutrality has been based on the assertion that the trade unions must concern themselves only questions and in no cir cumstances interfere in politics. The bourgeoisie has always endeavoured to separate politics and economics, for it is well aware that no serious danger will threaten its rule while it manages to keep the working class within the narrow confines of pure were resolved. But above all, it is the understanding • of unions to wage resistance against the bosses. apartheid rule which registers such a remarkable advance with the birth of COSATU. the Unfortunately, Carter Shot water judgements. For him, 'At the level of with won out completely tional principles organisation by industrial unionism, representation on the basis of dues paying membership, non-racialism are unmistakably those of FOSATU'.
ANC' by registering post-war years. wrong to now indispensible regime always the nol only but also against also "with his other FOSATU The organisaof COSATU In sum, convergence it with the policies of either the ANC then 'FOSATU was right as opposed to the There were differences between SACTU and FOSATU - including over the registration of unions and their participation in Industrial Coun cils. Right from the time it was form ed, SACTU led the resistence to any registration of unions, arguing that it undermined the unity of the workers movement and it would lead to a loss of independence.
When in 1979 the Wiehan Commission report stipulated that the new independent non-racial unions could register, FOSATU affiliates decided to register. For Carter, this decision was a mark of FOSATU's superior approach. Indeed, it leads to his judgment that FOSATU is "Leninist'. But putting FOSATU's growth and development down to its 'intelligent use of legal openings', Carter turns things on their head As FOSATU itself would explain, its growth ocurred because - despite the union refused to give up its independent actions. SAC TU no doubt remained influenced by its earlier debates over registration. But this time round there is an impor difference. Today, the mass movement and workers struggles are not going into a decline similar to the - today is combined with a massive upsurge both of workers struggles and of community-based resistance.
Future battles This fact leads on to an extremely important point involved in SACTU's general approach. It would be quite assume that the open activities of the independent unions are • a permanent fact of apartheid some especially reprene iorm of boûrgeious democracy. It is therefore IC maintain underground structures.
As SACTU puts it : 'Aslongas...
unionists face detention without trial, torture, and murder at the hands of the police, the occupation of their townships and the brutal strike-breaking tactics of the bosses, there will be a need for SACTU. But this is seen by SACTU as complemenopen organisation, not counter-posed as the article implies!
To make a principle criterion for Leninism — oul or lne tactic of registration is wrong. And it disarms the South African masses as they prepare for future battles. At any rate, at the end of the day it wasn't a theorelical argument tha was won by either side, that led to COSATU's birth. Rather it was the common experience of the struggle which gave rise to its formation. In this, the successtul Iransvaal stay away strikes in November 1984 marked a turning point.
, Dick Carter is correct that COSATU's birth was based on the of previousl counterposed views. But it occurred