THE BRITISH trade union movement suffered a severe defeat at its 1986 last week, delegates voted overwhelmingly to adopt the joint Labour Party-TUC policy statement on industrial relations, with composite 1, moved by GMBATU, seconded by and supported by other compositing unions. position carried is a green light for stepping up state interference in the affairs of trade unions. At the same time that congress carried posite 1, it made clear the key intention of the composite by rejecting a resolution from TASS which would have reaffirmed the right of unions to democratically manage their own affairs.
The biggest shock was the vote for the composite by the National Union of Mineworkers, whose congress delegation voted to withdraw its amendment already submitted in the name of the union and to support the composite as it stood. General secretary of the Durham Mechanics, BILL INGTON, part of the delegation, was one of the minority who spoke out against the decision, taking the same line as union president Arthur Scargill and general secretary Peter Heathfield. He explained why to ON THE first day of the 1986 congress of the TUC a mistake was made that will return to haunt our Congress adopted composite motion 1 on new industrial relations legislation under a Labour government. I am very much afraid that the trade union movement and the Labour Party have fallen into a populist trap. These are populism run amok.
Much of the argument about them has revolved around secret ballots. But what is actually entailed is the beginning of the breakdown of trade union dululully It's ballots now, but next it might be finances:
trade unions can and their money on. Ine NUM already nas experience of this, could become the norm.
Accord The NUM's delegation to congress voted to support the composite and to withdraw an amendment submitted to it, which would have deleted the clause on secret ballots. It was argued within the delegation unions were behind this composite, for us to put an amendment would be seen Mineworkers didn't want an accord bet- National ween the TUC and Labour Party, which of course is not true My understanding is that the amendment was precisely in line with the policies of our decided by NUM conference, for many years.
But nobody in the delegation was in a position to argue that unions should have secret ballots imposed on them by law, which is why we also supported motion 3 from TASS, which congress defeated. The first paragraph of this reaffirmed that trade unions are volunself-governing organisations? and rejected unions democratic and the courts.
posite 1 proposes.
port.
While paragraph 2 complete abolition The taws La Labour government will ...
electoral procedures comstant action.
ETHERunions. of their members dustrial action. have that.
government in contained in made provision state in some circumstances "cooling-off period' over-riding public interest. were withdrawn.
union movement then, novele H.
posed to it. unworkable.
proposals year after government to do exactly doing.
Ballots
to decide what cannot spend union memberships -that experience strike action, because so many of suited their needs.
tell unions unions, house in order.
Combination
had the freedom to that is unlawful.
democratic internal posals would take us.
procedures by outside bodies', and 'intervention by the state Sadly, this is precisely what comThe composite is a bad composite, a botched-up job made to appear vague in order to win supBut the composite is not vague. 'calls for the anti-trade enacted by this government', and stresses its confidence that permit dinating union members to control the rules and Not their union' this is flatly contradicted by paragraph 4(iv). This clause is the sting in the composite's tail, which could mean that the gress trade union movement losses the most fundamental and important right of all the - that of victimised workers to take inClause 4(iv) of composite 1 clearly calls for 'a right to strike and to have a secret ballot in such situations Even Stanley Baldwin in 1927, after other the defeat of the general strike, couldn't insist on such legislation when he was reversing the contracting out and in procedures for political funds and mak- ported. ing it illegal for civil servants and others to be unionised. Even he didn't legislate for that level of state interference in the But in 1986 here is a Trades asking government to write that into the law. jorities.
From 1871, at the time of the first trade union legislation as we understand it today, until a 100 years later in 1970, there was no provision in law for trade unions to have individual ballots taking nos cussions looked into industrial relations legislation, but none has recommended The first time it was raised was by a Line proposals In Place of Strife. They the secretary to require and individual balloting in particular in state service industries where there was said to be 'an But they power in 1971, they stole the emperor's When the Conservatives came to first clothes so to speak, by incorporating this into their legislation. But the trade supported by the Labour Party, was vehemently opThose laws were of the The TUC and Labour Party have likewise opposed the Tory legislation of 1980, 1982 and 1984. But, less than two their latest Act, the trade union movement is asking a Labour the same thing we opposed the Conservatives I really must stress that this isn't simply an argument about ballots. If and mine is one of them - want to hold ballots before wage, that 1s what they nave written into their rules. There are many unions that have such requirements: tor unite postal ballots, for individual ballots at the workplace, and for other methods.
They also use different methods to elect their officials. The election of Ron loda by ine transport workers, lot en ample, brought to light the fact that the TGWU uses different methods of balloting in different regions of the country. But this must be based on what the members, over the years, have found fect I only wish those who are eager to how to run their business were as keen to put their own Since the time of the repeal of the Acts Trace unions have witnaraw incl labour. If the sort of legislation proposals passed by the 1986 TUC are carried out then we are well on the way to finding ourselves in a situation where That position is clear enough. There is no ambiguity about where the joint TUC-Labour Party proRON TODD, general secretary of Transport General Workers' Union, summed up the main line of this year's Trades in Brighton, speaking in favour of the resolution which commits the TUC for the first time to support state interference in trade union rule books, he said: 'a vote for the composite is a vote of confidence in the document, in Neil Kinnock, in our own democracy and members.' The week of the TUC was orchestrated around this theme of suborother Consens lu uniting behind Kinnock with the aim of winning the next general election. This approach put Kinnock in a powerful position to dictate terms to the ConKinnock's first demand was to put maximum distance between TUC and the 1985/86 miners' strike -even though that gigantic battle did more damage to the Thatcher government, including at the polls, than any event in Its entire seven period in office. Other struggles which 'disrupted' the Labour leadership's line for the election should not be sup Consistent with this General Council fought, unsuccessfulthe resolutions supporting workers fighting at Wapping, and also at Silentnight, were both carried by very large maThe second of Kinnock's terms was that the trade union movement accept key planks of the Tory anti-trade unton laws - and specifically the right of the state to dictate the content of trade union rule books in relation to ballots over strike action. Inis was carried 1l the TUC/Labour Party Liaison Committee document Composite One - adopted on the first day of the Congress by a large majority on a show of hands.
third element of adopted was an economic organised around 'National Economic Assessment', which is just another way of saying a social contract in the same mould as the one which proved so disastrous under the Labour government. Its core is a set of priorities, which it is claimed would reduce unemployment million in two years, second attack low pay and third, only afterwards, about raising the living standards of the rest of the working In words it proposes to finance Labour's programme at the expense of sections working class instead capitalist class.
It was this type of catastrophically disastrous incomes policy which allowed Margaret Thatcher to get elected in the first place. More to the point this economic policy will not work at all. will not work at all. Support Unfortunately progressive ures, above all the TUC's historic support for a statutory national minimum are situated within this overall framework. So a policy of a minimum wage, which has enormous potential to WOrKIg significant numbers of unorganised workers into the labour movement 11 fought for decisively, is situated firmly within an economic strategy counter-posed it to the living standards of other sections of the working class.
As the Financial Times accurately comTed no the seathat inhis was in the mented on the strategy: "They coded message on restraint.' And wage controls are a sure fire way to divide the working class.
Describing Kinnock's speech on the second day of the TUC, which was billed as the high point of the week, the Kinnockite New Statesman eulogised in an editorial the title "A Prime Minister in Waiting'. It declared:
speech underscored emerged as the central Kinnock theme that organised labour's place would be separate from, and subordinate to, his own as a future prime minister.' The Kinnockite leadership of the the year the These strategy policy trade union movement, through Todd to the NUPE leadership last established the political strategy for the first time at this year's TUC. nock Labour government is presented as the answer to the problems facing the set Membership of other unions has declined to More significantly the workforce in TUC affiliated unions of the had declined from over S0 per cent in 1979 to only just over 40 per cent today. The Kinnockite majority in the TUC's approach to dealing with this is purely electoralist by John Edmonds, general secretary of GMBATU.
The government should legislate rights to join a trade union, unfair dismisssals and against low pay - all measures that naturally must be meas- supported.
on the basis that their role will be to make sure employers laws. situation in the meantime of those such as strikers at Wapping, those at Silent. draw night, the miners, striking Asian workers at Kenure who are fighting for union recognition and decent wages. Nor was the question addressed of what is done if Labour is not elected, or is elected but does not carry out its promises, or is elected but bends to employers like the last one did over Grunwicks. Furthermore the demobilisation of the labour movement involvwage ed in this strategy will not aid Kinnock but Thatcher.
Alliances While the Kinnockite leadership of the TUC attempted to present an acceptable face to the press two decisive 'The issues.
strengthening the alliances Labour needs, and for the unity of the working class, were not addressed at all at this year's TUC. There was discussion organisation and representation
Willis
dominance its effective wonder . The fight for a KinTUC agenda. that the number TUC affiliated 9.5 million. the proportion of Parallels - and was best explained proposal is that a Labour section of the paralleled 'protection' against The unions will then recruit The women's carry out these General Council What was not addressed was the For those like the Equate.
ment. first TGWU standpoint of unions for the Sections, organise of the self-organisation women and black people in the trade in order to make them more instruments of fighting for and against racism These issues simply did not figure in the This is despite the fact of women unions continues to increase, for forms of organisation and represen tation that can allow their voices to be heard and influence policy.
Unions like the GMBATU are now discussing the establishment of reserved places for women on their NEC. The demand of the Labour Women's con ference for women to elect the women's Labour Party NEC is in similar struggles in the unions. At present the women's conferences, including the TUC women's conference, have little or no power.
section of the TUC 1S not elected by women workers at the TUC women's conference but by the TUC itself. The movement of women into the unions has explosive potential to shake up the present bureaucratic structures of the labour movement. But, despite brave words, the steps being taken to meet the needs of women are completely inadeThis decisive strategic weakness of the trade union Similarly there was no discussion of black organisation in the unions. The TUC General Council remains entirely white. Bill Morris, the new black deputy general secretary of the Transport and General Workers' Union, deputyr general see are of the not to nominated by the union's executive for either the TUC's General Council o the Labour Party NEC. Yet the com. bined impact of Labour Party Black movements of black workers to fight racist employers, and within the unions, will inevitably put this question of black self on
novement's agenda.
The issue of racism however did erve as an introduction to the first mapr current standing outside the Kinlockite consensus at the Congress. This ras an oblique reference ebellions in Handsworth, Brixton and lottenham black communitites e spoke against a resolution opposing he introduction of plastic bullets into tritish cities. Hammond argued such as Handsworth roadwater Farm to be put down 'with I necessary force' and tried to prooke the Congress by claiming he could inly address it because of police protecion.
This debate, as well as that on Waping where the EETPU lemned as the organisation which had nade Murdoch's union-busting operaion possible showed kalist'/Mainstream right around Eric Lammond and John Lyons to be in a jear minority. The Mainstream right however continues to TUC. Their trategy centres on improving the living Bes. paid hrough alliances with the employers Ind the capitalist against loorest sections of the working class. They resolutely opposed nuclear disarmament trongly pro-EEC.
to the made lne or tne EETPU for working was con- realist/Mainstream differentials and so on. Collaboration realist/economic of class collaboration.
assault on capital -workers today practicing the to Labour government more politically coherent, nevertheless Hammond, Lyons and on most issues the AEU leadership, form a clear and Whilst the TUC General Council's knuckles were rapEETPU's scabbing at Wapping, it was also clear that the General Council have no intention of taking on a fight against saying the trade union practices and political tion.
because ther themselves accept parts of it and certainly do not have an effective alterOn the contrarv their line of subordinating everything to a Labour government, and paying for reforms at the expense of different sections of the of provides important openings for Hammond and the 'new by tease/es as the defenders of the skile right ed workers, in favour of maintaining Botha's where Brigades Both the Kinnockites and the 'new realist'/Mainstream right are varieties Both reject an the only way of power uniting the working class. But they are different forms class collaboration. Hammond's policy of defence of skilled workers, direct 'no strike' deals with employers, and coalition with the Alliance can directly clash with the policies of returning a majority and trying to win Writing in the TUC edition of Campaign Group News Peter Heathfield warned about the TUC: "The danger is that trade union leaders will respond by "we'll hold tight until the elec'Such a strategy, however, plays into the Tories' hands. If you wait and wait — on the assumption that Labour will win the election - that could result in Margaret Thatcher bouncing back The NUM leadership did play important role in the TUC on a number issues. The July NUM conference had made headlines all over the world welcoming Cyril Ramaphosa Britain at the crackdown on the unions, The NUM also made the running in the debate on nuclear power their composite with the Fire National Union of Seamen was only very narrowly defeated in favour of the General Council's call for a review of nuclear Defeat But on the central issue of the Tories' trade union laws and the policy of the TUC, the NUM amendment opposing state interference in the unions was withdrawn by the 28 strong NUN Fleet Street press and signalled an intensification of the Scargill within the NUM - a campaign which unites the CP and the right wing in the union.
Notwithstanding tories over Wapping, on South Africa, and a very narrow defeat on opposition to nuclear power, the TUC registered the dominance of the 'sit tight till the an general election' also registered the maintainance of the Hammond/Lyons/and on most issues AEU leadership Mainstream grouping in the general council. moved slightly to the right with the removal of Ray Buckton. The Congress registered the fact that the class struggle forces around Scargill, the NUM are a small minority and under ferocious attack. and his defeat in the NUM delegation, increased the prominence in the Congress of the Morning Star leadership of TASS way iorward The problem the forces such as Scargill, Heathfield, and those in other unions face is precisely to cut into the bloc Kinnock structed within the labour movement. Precisely because the tional America. of these politics dominate. Links of Labour Party, and advance issues.
interests of those Thatcher to laws, First is the right campaign against in line with that. important key line of Kinnock.
wing its realist/Overall the General Council other unions. Tactics The attack launched on Scargill, practice - whose politics represent no struggle has conclass struggle labour movement. While it is more difficult to do, the same must be pursued • starting to introduce the issue of Ireland into the TUC - where it has been a forbidden topic for many years. It can also be done on issues of internasolidarity such as Central On these and other issues the aim STAR must be to force unitea acton by lne class struggle forces with those supporting the Kinnock line in the unions -and particularly their base. It Ilicals participation in organisations like the Broad Lefts, linking militants in the NUM with the left wing in the public sector unions like the NUT, and promoting movements women black people — which are often more advanced in the public sector. It means linking militants in the major public sector and white collar unions with those in the industrial unions. It means having specific tactics towards the Morning Star wing of the Communist Party — which will inevitably be in a number must not be allowed to The Labour Party conference will see the same political lines drawn as the TUC but in a different relation of forces — somewhat more favourable to the left. It will be an opportunity to link the class struggle forces in the unions with their allies in the Campaign Grour MPs, the Constituency Labour Parties, in the campaigns in the and to organise more coherently this class struggle current — on certain individual This year's TUC was a setback in the class struggle. It subordinated the fighting a (false) calculation of what is in Labour's electoral interests. It accepted a framework of anti-union put forward no policies which would solve the problems of mass unemployment and other key issues facing the labour movement.
Despite the unity achieved around Kinnock's project the Congress did not disguise the existence of three basic currents in the labour movement today.
aroung Hammond, Lyons, and the ABU leadership on overall issues a current politically oriented towards coalition government with the Alliance and with trade union and social policies The second current, the largest, is the Kinnockites with their base in the TGWU, GMBATU, NUPE, NUR and other unions. . Their orientation today is LOWER a Kinnockite Labour government and they spelt out at this Congress just how right policies would be. The third current, by far the smallest, is that of the class struggle left whose stronges component is in the NUM but which has a minority of class struggle forces in The tactics which flow from this are clear. All those prepared to engage in struggle must of course be united. . But this requires clarifying and organising the class struggle forces and giving them a correct united front orientation To take up the key issues of the class struggle today — Wapping, opposition to state in teference in the unions, nuclear power, South Africa, the demands of women and black people in the labour movement — to cut into Kinnock's base. It is only by a combination of politically
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Socialist Action 12 Sep 1986 Photos: MORNING