SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

New strikes threaten Pinochet

· Socialist Action No. 15, 24 June 1983 · p. 6 of the scan · 1,179 words

The scan: 015-jun-24-1983-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 6 of the scan

the Pope has been urging the Priest pes speeches speeches Dalicle. have been void of any appeal for lifting of martial law.

In this he has followof Cardinal Glemp who has attacked mobilisations such as those which took place around Day this year.

Nevertheless the occasion of the Pope's visit has been used by Polish workers to relaunch After the Pope's first thousands of Poles marched through Warsaw chanTO NOBODY'S surprise Yuri Andropov was unanimously President of the Soviet Union adding une utie lo that of general secretary of the CPSU.

A nice twist was given the occasion by having it proposed by Andropov's previous chief rival, Konstantin Chernenko.

At the same meetine the Supreme Soviet mandated its negotiators to put forward the idea of a nuclear to the USA, and Clina. CHILEAN COPPER MINERS started an illegal strike last week to demand the release of the jailed president of their union. The arrest of Rudolfo Segel came after a national day of protest on Tuesday 14 June which ended in clashes between demonstrators and police.

The strikes pose a new threat to General Pinochet's regime presiding over a deep economic crisis.

The events of 11 May had been preceded demonstrations March, where to shouts of 'Pinochet murderer' "Jobs, bread, justice and freedom' hundreds people demonstrated in There were cashes betweel demonstrators the Donce helped bi right wing civilian gangs, with the result of more than 350 arrests.

The events of !! May showed -unquestionably that the recomposition of the Chilean workers movement is under way. This qualitative new situation, we hope, will help dispel the many illusions spread by the Popular Unity par ties, illusions to which many exiles nave lalien All dreams that junta would collapse by its own internal contradictions, that would be removed by Une US government because of indifficulties, that would be removed by a coalition of bourgeois opparties democratic' generals ought to be forgotten.

Experience has shown that WORKCIS has the social movemell conerence me nomorcucty to fight Pinochet. The WORKERY has shown that it is the oncapable ly social l0Icc giving leadership for everybody else the recomposition goes back to 1976-80 when the first mobilisations took place around mass redundancies, elementary union rights, factory closures, All this happened within the framework of the Labour Plan imposed by LIC military junta regulating the operation tivities of unions.

some LUC strikes took place mainly in proletarian strongholds like the steel and mining industries. Since 1980 the movement, always struggling, has engaged in a process of reorganisation.

The process of still reorganisation fragmentary and uneven. The reasons are not hard to imagine: the multiplicity of unions sanctified by the Plan wholeheartedly encouraged by the authorities through their agents in the workers movement- plus ten years of unrestrained repression - have brought dispersion about disunity. Yet the underlyIng trend of unionism at the shop floor level is one of increasing militancy.

In the Chilean context bosses the Hence need realist activities the Witness these committees associations, committees relatives prisoners the homeless.

CaNCS delegates the facDuuu Co funds, medica attention, legal advice and training.

Proliferation well dication that is the location of Vicuna Cerrillos, Maipu, Rosa, Norte, Estacion Central, that • the advanced localism precludes further For callisa sion limits their central the Chilean working Cas. faces is the organisation of single national trade union. Pressure There several so called 'national' unions. Bodies such as the CNS. FUT, others claim to represent the movement. But these claims are empty boasts. It is no exaggeration that these bodies have no links whatsoever with the local organisations of struggle. The thrust of their strategy iș to extract minor concessions the through pressure-politics.

This explains for example the 'Social Pact' 'proposed by the CNS to the dictatorship (a proposal endorsed the other groups), it also explains the appeal for a broad op positionist front made by LA LILLATA 18 A government of Salvador Allende Tucapel Jimenes (presi dent of the Civil Service before he was murdered by the SCUT CI police. Not a single strike has taken place since the beginnings of the recompositon in 1976 which ha been led or materially supported by any groupings.

They represent mere by the reformist parties link ed to Popular Unity and by the Christian Democrats. Their lack of a rank and file implantation is explained by the politics of these parties. They all put forward collaborationist policies that would make even the most right wing socia democrat blush Basically, they propose the setting up of a 'broad alliance comprising Communists, Socialists, Chrisdemocrats, tremely reactionary SOLACE landowners victims of the monetarist of the ment.

Also proposed for the alliance are Generals like Gustavo Leigh, (a member until when was dismissed most of the National part, Pinochet), (the party of landowners Chilean oligarchy) now very disatisfied with the economic recession, Leon Vilarin Ten years ago the people mobilised against the right wing threat to the Popular Unity Cumsille (the first leaders of the truckworkers and the second leader of the retailers' association) both ill-famed for their instrumental role in creating the conditions for the overthrow of Allende, and other Prominell dustrialists Of course, the political independence of the working class would be totally submerged in such a front, which would be dominated by its bourgeois segments. Parties In summary, the parties responsible for the 1973 defeat totally handicapped in providing the basis, let alone leading, any process of trade union tally. trade union movement is an essential ingredient of any vigorous real accomposition cannot be solved by any aggregation of these • superstructure.

Any national reorganisation OI the workers' movement, if it is to be meaningful at all and if the interests of the working class and oppressed are not to be betrayed again, below CUlIC and be established on a totally new basis.

No bureaucratic agreement at the summit can substitute for the necessary profound debate and widest participation of the working class through their elected representatives This national debate must end up electing delegates from all over the country who will meet in a National Constituent Assembly of trade unions, where workers will provide themselves with democratic SLUCLUTES elected and representative leaders, a programme of struggle which includes demands for the restoration all democratic rights, economic demands, and the way to achieve the overthrowing of the dictatorship.

This programme is the only way forward and the onv means to auract olic layers of unorganised workers up and down the country The task is difficul and there is much to done, but this is the analysis that informs the practice of Chilean revolutionary socialists.

1. Popular Unity: the allianc which led the 1970-3 Allende government Dominated by the Socialis and Communist Parties. 2. Cordones industriales:

workers committees of a proto sovict characier. wnici grew up in the workers area during 1972-3

----- pull-quotes -----

Pope pleads for peace IN HIS VISIT to Poland

Another landslide victory

The protest, like that of 11 May, was called by the copper union and four trade union federations.

Santiago, Concepcion.

Process The process of working

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