African NUM regional the NUM has grown and fought back.
The NUM was formed in led by JB Marks and others. But it was crushed. IN THE the federation ROSATU tried to organise the mineworkers In 1980 the CUSA of Unions of South Africa) passed a resolution to the effect that when the miners are not organised it weakens the enure working movement. At that time Cyril Kamapnosa working in the legal unit of CUSA so they elected him to look into the building of a miners umon The first NUM congress was in 1982 by which time there were already 10,000 workers involved. me loved very as specialise on de isede of indeed. decided health and safety, on the issue of education. on the question of living standards and working conditions.
We started a health and safety department of the worked with other organisations • trying to get into the mines to inspect them, investigate accidents (both those reported and ones not reported). We WIOlC Thousand Ways to Die. the Danielici It was the workers themselves who revealed the information the pamphlet, wasn't the product of some 'expert. The very week the pamphlet was launched the Sinross disaster happened killed). This tragic coinWak clear proof what we are saying.
Organising our union 1s very difficult, especially in the gold and coal mines. The miners are locked in the Coolies. fective strategy is one that is based on the miners organising themselves. When the mineworkers at a particular mine indicate that they want to join the union the organiser is sent to carry through the recruitment.
We don't let it out that we're coming, management intimidatior of the workers. If they catcl you at this early stage, they can arrest you for trespass, turn you over to the police who will give you a goo‹ riding and tell you not t come to mal arca agall.
Once inside we have the meeting with the most enlightened workers. We inform them how to go about recruiting - from room to room, from area to where people work. It's for them to recruit, not us. Workers have got more faith in their workmates rathonce a majority hars.
Once a majority
signed up then we can ap proach management, seek ing a date for access so that we can have meetings with all the workers. This meeung men elects organising committee who will be made known to th management. In our union, cannot negotiate with management THIS IS the second part of an interview with South organiser, MANNE DIPICO. In the first part published in our last issue, Manne Dipico detailed the appalling conditions in South Africa's mines. In this extract, he explains how an earlier attempt to establish a mineworkers' union — at the time if the growth of SACTU in the 1950s — alone. The workers must be there.
In South Africa there Mozambique, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Botswana.
They've not been involved in the history of labour or political struggles in South Africa and their position is insecure. hem ones they divide them off. threaten them with expulsion from the country if Numet involved with the They also try to exploit divisions between ethnic groups and encourage lac tion fights. In a compound ot sav 10,000 workers you have different languages spoken. The mining bosses appeal to them Sotho-speaking people working for your amilies', 'you are Xhosaspeaking people, if you lose your jobs they'll be taken by Sotho-speaking people'.
An organiser has to be able speak Many languages if they are to win the hearts and minds of all these ethnic groups, to unite hem and show them who the real enemy is.
Now we've got membershin of more thar 300,000. Our members have been politicised by their. struggle. They have learnt that it's not enough to fight the mining bosses, they've got to fight the racist regime itself.
The members organised in regions which meet monthly. Every two months the central executive committee meets Manne Dipico where the regional leaderships come together and report on the battles they nave been invoivea in ana that we need to take up.
There are still 400,000 miners outside our union. an union remains weak in terms of organisers. Some regions Have organisers at all. The Free State region with 70,000 members is served by only we have to take one of them, rush him to another miion of perhaps d mineworkers. need financial help to pay for more organisers. baongress or South African backbone COSATU Trade Unions), the united trade union federation. Our vice-president is COSATU's president.
COSATU was born in 1985. It was a very tough battle to come up with that kind of unity, it took four years to achieve. We're very proud that our dream of a tually come true with the launching of COSAIU.
The same principle is involved with SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions) it's the same if you don't support ACTU, you don't suppor COSATU. II you don't support the ANC, you don't support the people of Soutk The working class in South Africa gives its SAC and the liberation the liberation struggle.
In COSATU we take a militant stand. The bosses refused to negotiate with us about Day so we decided we're going to take May Day off come what we took it.
Everything came to a standstill. During the Kinross commemoration WC repeated that unity, when close 325,000 mine workers respondea positive ly to our call and more than 300,000 responded other industries.
The government is now propement. They have at- preparing crush our tacked the people's political organisations the community level, at the student level and with the attacks on the United Democratic Front.
South African mineworkers: these cramped conditions are typical of the compounds in which they are forced to live Now they are preparing to crack down on the NUM and COSATU. Just like they did with the UDF (Unitec Democratic Front), they are first spreading les about us claiming that our leaders are unrepresentative, that they don't have the right to demand sanctions against We explain that only the 1010 - - not the corporations - have the right to speak on behalf oi the workers. The need for sanctions was endorsed by the founding COSATU and by the NUM conference earlier this year.
One reason for being at the International Miners Organisation this weekend is to explain this. Our relations with unions in other countries is very important. This is particularly true of our relationship with the British NUM.
We followed the NUM's strike verv close'v. It was so inspiring especially at that time because we were still not properly on our feet. We of course, NUM-South Africa and it's the NUM-Britain. That was no coincidence we aspiring to be united and like the mineworkers of Britain.
I nell strike was all cyc opener for us. It showed that when vou go for a strike you really go. Because of that strike, we have used weapon more effectively.
relationship the British NUM started to Dulla up early this yea when we got an invitation to come here at the time of the state of emergency. Our president general secretary came started to establish a real bond of friendship. We are fighting the very sallic capitalists and imperialists, so we've got to forge links, share information and see our battle as one. The politics of Adams, Brandon, 176 pages.
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Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 deepened their
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1982 following the massive growth of unions in the '70s. There has been
E POLITICS OF IRISH FREEDOM