THE APPEAL put out by the South African miners and the African National Congress for support from miners world-wide was immediately acted upon by the British NUM. The International Miners Organisation (IMO) also moved into action, calling on its affiliates world-wide to aid the miners. A preliminary list of 68 unions which gave money included miners unions from the US, France, East and West Germany and Cuba. The Australian miners union sent £2500 just as it started its own industrial action. Transport workers from Canada contributed, as did steel workers and car workers unions from the US. A range of community organisations in South Africa and the Front Line States responded to the appeal.
magnificent response was matched by efforts in Britain itself. The British Women Against Pit Closures, found an overwhelming response in the labour - including significant sums from other national unions in Britain. TASS topped with £5000, such as the Fire Brigades Union gave £1500. Thousands of pounds poured in NUM organisations.
and anti-apartheid activists tremely successful.
firm Was support Stained and injured, NUM, but unions UDF.
lodges Miners support committees set up to aid the British NUM in its strike also acted. Town centre collections by NUM members and other labour movement were exAlthough there has been a return to work, solidarity is still urgently needed. The Namibian miners have returned to work under extremely difficult conditions and require aid at all levels. Here a taken by Liverpool dockers in August when they refused to unload uranium hexafluoride which they suspected came from Namibia. These dockers are now working to extend their stand to other docks. They have organised a regional demonstration in Liverpool on 3 October which deserves widespread South African miners equally need support. Not only have they members deas well as responsibilities to the families of those who gave their lives in the struggle, but three NUM members are on deal row awallug e ecution. The very day of the return to work two of the 34 black prisoners on death row were murdered by the regime.
SAYCO has launched international campaign to 'Save the 32' which has been backed by COSATU and the This campaign should have a powerful response in Britain. A target of nUrS 32,000 signatures has been set. The Anti Apartheid Movement will be focussing in the coming weeks on fresher weeks at colleges and winning students to support for initiatives being organised by South Africa the Imprisoned Society (SATIS), which organises activity on this aspect of solidarity work in Britain.
An immediate focus for continuing the mobilisation will be the Sanctions Godfrey Mokate of SACTU appealing for solidarity with the anti-apartheid struggle at the Notts miners gala on 19 September in response to the conference be there as well. Against South African Coal Conference Sheffield. The • has beer tremendous. Pete Kennedy, the NUM's international officer, states that delegations have come from over 50 pit branches, six or seven Women Against Pit Closure groups, and a wide variety of other unions. The Liverpool dockers will The NUM is showing the way fo ward for the anti-apartheid movement a whole in Britain. If this lead is taken will provide the most powerful buildi possible to the national demonstrati called by the AAM on 24 October and forging a movement to force the gover ment to impose total sanctions again the apartheid regime.
of UN Security Council Resolution 435 which calls for withdrawal of the occupation forces of South Africa from Namibia.
This strike was concluded shortly after the NUM(SA) settlement. courts had earlier ruled the strike illegal. The union's appeal came just as the NUM(SA) dispute was being concluded - and its appeal was rejected. The situation of these workers is very serious today. It is estimated that up to 40 per cent of Namibian miners those approaching retirement, those the company deems makers', and so on — will not be taken back. Furthermore, in the most serious attack since 1979, six top leaders Namibia's liberation South West African Peoples Organisa were week the secretary of the Mineworkers Union of Namibia (MUN), was also arrested on his return to Namibia from Britain where he had been mobilising solidarity for the copper miners.
The political developments accompanying the South African miners strike has seen a major consolidation of those who see the Freedom Charter as ast beration rosouth needon Africa. This document was drawn up in • 1955, but is just as relevant today and is -the central programme supported by the ANC.
Today the Charter is deepening its roots among the masses. The decision by COSATU at its July congress to adopt the Freedom Charter, withdrawal by the metal workers union sof its motion to draw up a counterposred socialist workers charter, culmination of a long process of consideration by union members based on experiences of struggle they've been through in recent months.
The non-racial South Africa have come to understand that it is not possible to limit their concerns to bread and butter issues. Every aspect of the conditions facing them is rooted In apartheid more, it is increasingly evident that the working class, is taking the lead in the fight against apartheid rule.
The identification of SAYCO with the Freedom Charter indicates that a w generation of fighters is being won educated by and organised by the politics of the Freedom Charter yuth Africa. This political clarificajon is indispensable to the deepening fuggle for a free South Africa.
The NUM(SA) strike has to be seen that political context. Any decision 'troubleof movement, the arrested last general South the the way, and the outcome was certain, would trade unions in decision whole. structure of the union itself.
other pollical character the most heavily affected by as any of the mining bosses. taken to prolong the NUM strike, when the union recognised the state forces were moving to intervene in a massive . not at al have cut this vital political process short. Indeed, a wrong the need for a tactical retreat would have proved catastrophic mining not onlv for the labour movement. but Dicau for the broader liberation struggle as a demands.
It would have threatened the The strike also helped to clarify miners, develonments The so-called liberal bourgeoisie was clear for all to see. Anglo-American, the mining company presented itself before it began as the most enlightened management in South Africa. When&he strike began, it moved against the strikers just as ruthlessly The role of the bosses was sharply attacked by the ANC in its statement on the strike. 'The mining houses, united under the rubric of the Chamber of Mines, have for more than a century reaped lucrative profits at the expense of the health and lives of thousands of black miners from inside and outside of Today these selfsame houses have the timerity to they call ill-afford wage The ANC called for stepping up and deepening the dispute amongst in mine-related industries, other COSATU affiliates and amongst all 'democratic and patriotic forces'. A rallying call was also made to miners world-wide to assist the NUM(SA).
This strike is a landmark battle in the history of the South African liberation struggle. Because the retreat was carried out in a unified way, it means that although the wage demands were not won, the apartheid rulers are not at all looking forward to the continuation of the war. THE ATTEMPTED behind the coup attempt.
THE fifth attempted coup against the Philippines government Corazon Aquino, which took place on Friday 28 August, was by far the bloodiest and most serious yet of her 18-month rule. At least 40 were killed and 300 injured during the abortive attempt significant section of the military to seize power.
The coup attempt lasted 24 hours. It was led Colonel Gregorio 'Gringo' Honasan, former aide of sacked defence minister Juan Ponce enrio wo Is low the main bourgeois opposicon nigurt Honasan originally helped install the Aquino government. But, since attempted coup against Aquino November, Honasan has ef. fectively been banished to a remote town north of the Manila capital.
It was from there that this latest coup was organis ed. Enrile is also rumoured to have been involved in the 28 August coup A total of about 1500 troops were reported have taken part, some 800 or unem mounting alacks on military installations in Manila. Camp Aquinaldo, the Philippines military headquarters, was assailed and Villamor, the Philippine airforce's main base, also held for several City Hall, the seat of the rovincial government, w Iso held. The attack the was led by the commander of the constabulary for the region.
Rebel troops failed to government channel they aimed for. However they did capture a private station and broadcast appeals throughout the day.
Aquino's presidential palace was also attacked.
But the main targets of the attempted COul Honasan claimed was aimed against the vacuum armed forces.
The coup was confined to the main island of Luzon where the Manila capital is extended beyond the city to outlying provinces However, nightfall Friday August, defence minister Fidel Ramos reported that the coup was put down. But Honasan has escaped.
loe mular rebeis alt now said to be planning a further campaign which in possible assessination of herself. Mearshie Ramo:
has called for unity agames the Communist Parts-ted New People's Army (NPA)
Socialist Action coup against Corazan Aquino's government in the Philippines at the end of August revealed the deepening crisis her regime is As a result, the Aquino government is squeezed on all sides. CAROL TURNER looks at developments which has intensified its activities since the coup.
Communist-ed National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDF) described the August coup 'another characteristic manifestation of the continuing Philippine crisis. The NDF warned: "There is also growing repression of people's organisations and continuing violations of human rights.
"Cory Aquino has failed to bring to justice previous coup plotters as well as military who have violated human rights. This has emholdened me are SS sections within the military to plan make their "Whatever the outcome last of the crisis the likely result could be the declaration of state of emergency directed at procressive and revolutionary forces.
The Aquino government is undoubtedly facing pressure on all sides. Honasan and his porters are concerned that the liberalisa tion' measures undertaken by the Aquino government will lead to the downfall of the Philippines bourgeoisie, and want to see a return to the more open repression of the Marcos days in order to control the situation The Philippines ruling class correctly recognises — and fears - the increased confidence and combativity which the overthrow of the 20-year long Marcos dictatorship has brought to the islands' workers TV The New People's Army has stepped up its activity since the failed coup. week later at least 87 had as a result of NPA actions.
Along with greatel military activity by were NPA, industrial militancy has increased and the struggle for social and civil rights has blossomed during the past 18 months. The recent coup was immediately preceeded by a call from the First Movement (Kilusang Mayo Uno, KMU) for a general strike in protest against increased oil prices imposed by Aquino earlier in August.
to the KU's strike call, Aquino announced a significant oil tax cut on the eve of the proposed stoppage. Despite this, the action went ahead.
Manus was al a standsill and most otber major cen. tres were affected.
More than IN rested the first i Aquiss 11 Sept 1987 union leaders and about 5 supporters were One KMU leade has been charged wit sedition.
Corazan Aquino can to power at the beginning o 1986 pledged to dissolve th institutions of the Marco years speed political reforms. Her ne regimes economk pro gramme however remaine It is Aquino's capacity to lift the Phili pines out of the econom crisis into which Marce had plunged the country o the advice of the Wort Bank that is at the root o her failure to unite the dil ferent factions within th ruling class or to curb th growing militancy of th Hassen By the end of Marc 1986, Aquino had abolist ed the old nations assembly and got rid of ti Marcos constitution. Bu although she adopted provisional powers indeed, includin governing by decre Aquino also promised constitution and : elected assembly.
These radical promise were expected but deep divided the ruling clas Aquino has failed to deliv serious political rights fe the country's masses her significa sup- economic reform, the pr mised land earlier this year, is being e posed as a sham.
ADOLOHEHOHELI Aquino took over, the ND declared its readiness enter into dialogue with of a ceasetire between NPA and the Philip! armed forces. It point the objective was the lishment mocracy but that conditions did not pe the NPA to surrender - a position that has clea been proved correct.
By the end of May 191 Aquino had stepped uph support for the army, reje ting any perspective of broad purge. 'Before, whee we were in the oppositio the military enemy,' she said, 'But it the different now. 10e really trying their best protect the people' The United States ga full political support Aquino during the rece coup attempt - realisi that return to a Aquino dictatorship we the strengthen NPA further. Aquino unable to purge the at effectively because she on it for the fight ay the Communists therefore, is unlic to the last coup attempt Aquino's governe rapidly loosing sa its left becass grant to sions to tex to is niel
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987
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movement. In three weeks over £75,000 was raised for the South African NUM
the coup attempt Philippines
facing. But more, it also showed A quino's incapaci- ty to solve any of the urgent problems confronting the country since she came to power 18 months ago.