Socialist Action No. 178, March 1988
The scan: 178-March-1988-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
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Defend
No. 178
the
NHST
THE MOST serious opposition Margaret Thatcher's
government faces is to its plans to dismantle the NHS. The
government is deliberately provoking a crisis in the NHS in
order to justify plans to degut it. They have created a cash
crisis at a time when the government has no shortage of
funds - quite the reverse.
The government is putting a financial squeeze on the NHS and
on health workers to create the idea that it is impossible for the
NHS to go on and alternatives must be found.
This is entirely false. Even if there were a financial squeeze,
which there is not; the great majority of people would support the
transfer of funds from nuclear weapons and defence to the health
service, not to mention the resources that would be generated by
eliminating mass unemployment.
The press. have vigorously come to Thatcher's support with
souped up coverage of private health care schemes, and promotion
of alternatives to the NHS. But none of the alternatives being can-
vassed by the government would provide anything approaching
what is presently provided by the NHS, without an enormous in-
crease in costs. A single national health system is by far the most
efficient and cheapest method of providing health care, including
for central government.
Thatcher's goal in attacking the health service is not simply
ACTiON
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
March 1988
economic, but ideological and political. The NHS remains the main bastion of support for collective social provision of services which Thatcher wants to destroy. The Tories have undermined mass popular support for public housing through the run down of services and the right to buy offensive. They have undermined sup port for comprehensive public education, which the Baker bill is aimed at.
Now they want to achieve the same thing in the health service.
But this is proving the most difficult so far.
Squeezing nurses and other health workers' pay and conditions and creating an inefficient health service, is part of this strategy of trying to make the private sector more attractive to users and workers alike.
Notwithstanding the government's efforts however, the NHS is immensely popular. It has overwhelming majority support. The health workers' and nurses and other health workers' strikes have won further support, despite Thatcher's attempts to use them to alienate health service users.
The popular opposition to its plans for the NHS is the single most important political obstacle that the government faces. Health workers must now start receiving the forthright support that they deserve from Labour's front bench. There must be no more disgraceful statements, like that of Robin Cook warning nurses to 'think long and hard before taking strike action'.
INSIDE
& Hattersley NUS elections Clause 28 Ireland WAC
40p
HEALTH WORKERS
ORECH
decent pay For better
cond
of the country are already fully. protests have highlighted the government's plans
ment and defending the NHS.
MARCH AND RALLY Saturday 5 March Assemble 11am Embankment March to Hyde Park 12 noon
Palestine — the uprising continues
Livingstone replies to Kinnock
HEALTH WORK!
OUR FIGH
decent pay For
For bett
COndit
The night nurses' strike in Manchester imp on the government, and kicked off an enor swell of support for the health workers' de
The days of action that followed ha ported inside and outside the NHS. Nur hospitals, as well as other parts of the co February. The subsequent regional days of: big successes. There were lobbies outside virtu the North West on 10 February and thousand pool. More than 6,000 marched in Mancheste the biggest local demonstration for ten years
All of this is building towards a major show of's the government in the TUC's national demonstra the health service on 5 March. Trains and coaches from
Every single Labour Party and trade union should ensure the are represented so that 5 March is a springboard to build the scale of movement capable of actually imposing a defeat on the govern-
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Why Kinnock's position
Socialist Action
SOCiAlis
ACTiON
Botha's ban on
the UDF
AS we go to press the South African government has banned the United Democratic Front and all of the other apartheid organisations in South Africa. The apartheid regime has also banned the Confederation of South African Trade Unions from all from calling events like the general strike in commemoration of the Soweto Apartheid has again shown that it cannot tolerate even the most minimal democratic rights for the black majority in South Africa.
It is the duty of the entire labour movement to mobilise in defence of the anti-apartheid organisations and trade unions of South Africa with pickets, lobbies and demonstrations. Black Sections
EVEN BEFORE the recent upturn in industrial struggles started, Kinnock continued to be under pressure on two fronts where the relation of forces was more favourable than other issues What has happened on one of those key issues, black sections, has some important general lessons.
'A savage witch hunt was launched by the party leadership against the Labour Party Black Section immediately prior to the general election. certed attempt was following, the last Labour Party conference.
But despite this the pressure of the black community and the growing black working class on the Labour Party continued to mount. Two months ago Bill Morris, deputy TGWU, proposed in Tribune the creation of a black socialist society affiliated to the Labour Parly. While not granting the Black Section's full demands, this would represent a significant concession to them. Notably, it would secure offical black delegates on GCs.
Neil Kinnock almost certainly hoped that this proposal would be turned down by the Black Sec-
tion. A splitting campaign directed against the Black Section had been opened up by Paul Shar-
its ex-London organiser, in mediately following the election. issue will be decided by the Black Secion AGM in March, the public statements by leaders, such as Narendra Makanji in the Guardian indicate that they are not going to fall into Kinnock's trap. for Black Black Section
socialist society doubtedly it would be.
As a result, contusion nas now amongst the right wing. NEC member John Evans
haș denounced the black socialist society option as
•black sections under another name'
isn't, even though it would strengthen the fight for
black sections in some variants. Kinnock himself
has launched the ridiculous
organisation formed under the Morris proposals
should be open to white people - which is rather
like opening up the women's sections to men, the
youth section pensioners,
organisations to those under 20. Meanwhile, the
late and unlamented Black and Asian Committee
has desappeared from view.
After a difficult period of witch hunt - and
the struggle to defend Sharon Atkin is still going
— it is clear that Kinnock's attempt to defeat
the Black Section has totally
tribute to the strengthening of the campaign in the
Labour Party. Most of all it reflects the growing
reality of the expanding black working class
which, despite Neil Kinnock's hopes, is not going
to go away or bow down to racism.
nock is a question that will have to be decided by
those in the Black Section campaign itself. The left
has the duty to ensure that the demand for Black
Sections is again placed firmly on the agenda at
this year's Labour Party conterence.
March 1988 main anti-
political activity and specifically
uprising. emergency meetings, women and black people. made to isolate it at, and
general secretary of the Tribune imBut while the
Black Section
While maintaining the campaign • Sections Makanji indicated that the
would see an affiliated black which un-
broken out
which it
proposal that an
pensioners? his is a
How to respond to new tactical moves by Kin-
THE OUTCOME of the TGWU elections are just the latest in a series of blows to Kinnock. The results are still coming out as we go to press but it is clear that the left has won a significant victory. It appears that all but one of the trade group seats have been one by the left. Most spectacularly of all right wing TGWU chair Brian Nicholson was smashed in Region no 1 — London and the South East.
The votes for the lett wing candidates in Region
I were 19,800 for Pete Hagger and 17,800 for Steve Riley. Right wing candidate Nicholson and Davis received 11,900 and 8,000 respectively. The only gain made by the right appears to have been on Humberside.
Left
There will now, doubtless, be a series of attempts to legally block the results.
headlined its report of the
results (IGWU ballot blow
for Kinnock': Coupled with
the rora strike and the up.
SUHS all this has halted the struggle in the
long retreat of the left.
'hatcher is still on the or-
fensive but she is encounter-
significant
resistance. As a result Kin-
nock's hold inside the
CaLL being
weakened.
Unity
That process tact
started after the immediate
post-election 'honeymoon'
period when contradictions
began to appear in the Kin-
nock camp. The first symp-
tom was. apparently
obscure fight between Kin-
nock and the right wing.
The traditional right
represented by Smith, Cun-
is weakening
ningham, Hattersle and their trade union allies found themselves minority DONES the PLP after the 1987 election. This was an historically unprecedented situation. They attempted ICaDoCil themselves through attacking Kinnock's allies
This period was brought to an end when David Warburton of the GMB, editor of the right wing Labour Forward made the tactical mistake of proceeding to an
le was promptly sacked t
secretary
iohn Edmonds for his trou ble. Kinnock made clear that he intended to keep his own grip on the party. Support
Prior to the crushing of Warburton Kinnock kept John Smith off the key the predective and coon-
productive and competitive was despite the fact that Smith WaN shadow chancellor of the exchequer.
This key position was given
to Bryan Gould
These manoeuvres were
aimed at strengthening Kin-
nock's position against the
right. But reality
created enemies there. Fur-
thermore the right is, final-
ly, Kinnock's only real base
of support in the party
the 'soft left' is too. weak
and unstable to be a solid base support. By clashing with the right Kinnock left himselt in a more unstable and exposed position with some of the gloss taken off the hype of the
Following this the alternative projects of the 'soft • left went nowhere • abour Listens' has turned into a
the second meeting at Milton Keynes turning into a brawl. The NEC, with its main immediate project gone, was left primarily dealing with
- around 20 CLPs:
SUCCS -are now suspended or under investigation.
Problem
Kinnock then went on to alienate a further part of the soft disgraceful handling of
Prescott. Inere was considerable opposition to Prescott standing for deputy leader against Hattersiey.
Kinnock's public humiliation of Prescott, after a secret deal, showed Kinnock for what he 1s not merely right wing bụt a petty individual
But all these petty annoyances eroded Kinnock's support without breaking it. it nas been une poles
issues that have really
brought matters to a head.
Weakness
The first, and most
significant, was over the
nurses. "he one area where
the party leadership had
been gaining credit since the
election was over the NHS
where most party
members considered
relatively effective cam-
paign was being run.
But this generally supportive position turned to anger over the issue of the nurses strikes. At a rough
85 per cent of the population support the nurses - and 95 per cent of potentia. • LabOu porters. The working class voters consider: 'if even the nurses are driven to going on strike the situation must be dreadiul!
Majority
Yet. Labour's front bench spokesperson, Robin
television COOK declaring that the nurse: should think carefully before going on strike and de facto criticised them. A •wave Swept through the party on this which went far wider than traditional left wing circles
This was couple with other criticism — for example that in the north west - support given to the day of action in the NHS by the leadership was totally in adequate. Choice
Following on from that,
touching narrower circles of
party activists but involving
fundamental issues, was the
presentation of the docu-
ment Democratic Socialist
Aims and Values to the
Hattersley.
NEU
Kinnock, This aimed to
commit DOLI
markets, and, behind the
scenes, achieve what
Gaitskell had failed in try
ing to remove Clause 4 b
stating that Labour was: 'a
party committed in practice
to the mixed economy.
This document was at-
tacked not simply by the
Politics Today
hard left but by Tribune, Robin Cook, and sections of the Labour right wing. Despite that Kinnock ap pears determined to press ahead with a vote on it at this year's party conference
which will meet fierce opposition from and, in the CLPs, also from much of the centre ground of the party.
The net result of all this is that Kinnock's forces are more tattered on the ground in the CLPs, and loyalty Is more strained evén in some unions, than for many yvals
Advances
This situation gives new openings for the left The real priorities are rebuilding the left throug! • relating to the struggles taking place outside parliament, mobilising against the Kinnock/Hat tersley document presenting alternative to it, winning the tight to defend unilateralism which is made tar more possible by the • TGWU elections, carrying through the fight for the demands of Black Sections and women in the party, and, again aided by the situation the basis 10 the helping lay SUDOULI economic policy for for the
left Solidarity the internal
exists this
Bryan Gould and Michacl
Meacher off
tuency section of the NEC
and replace them with left
wingers.
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Democracy and socialism
Politics Today
DEMOCRATIC Socialist Aims and Values should not only be rejected for its content, which is most important, but because it is also almost an act of political insanity to press ahead with it. As 1 wrote in Tribune: "The first half of the document was largely uncontentious. But. the represented a shift in policy as dramatic as Gaitskell's campaign in 1960 to remove Clause Hour from the party constitution. To press ahead with this document means to open up a political argument in the party that will run for years. The document will finally be thrown out by the party rank and file whatever block vote might be turned out for a loyalty vote at this year's conference:
The widespread public criticism of the document has largely centred on its attempt to irrevocably commit Labour
damental economic mechanism. In a
tamous purase wilch may well disappear from the revised version, it argues: the operation of demand and supply and the price mechanism is a generally satisfactory means of determining provision and consumption.
Market
On that I agree with Robin Cook in the New Statesman: 'If you are serious about liberating market forces, you must also truss up the victims who will otherwise upset the grand design by protesting
The real product of the market is private monopoly and Those who support "markets' as the basis of socialism confuse their role in distributing goods, which is necessary and inevitable in a wadie series fields, with their quite different role in investment and labour. Here, again, I agree with Robin Cook: to criticise the market mechanism for its inefficiencies in allocating investment, and its inequities in allocating rewards, is not to deny inal -ll can be satisfactory distributing goods!
But simply to concentrate on the aspect of markets in the document is superficial after all the extent, or limitation, of markets is a legitimate subiect for aiscussion in a socialist society. The issues raised Democratic Socialist Aims and Values
far further the socialism. Democratic Socialist Aims and Values breaks up the fundamental democratic, and therefore socialist, character of the Labour party.
Struggle
First it ignores that "markets' but a long history of struggle which has won whatever fundamental democratic rights and social advances
- If it were left to mar
of de 1750s, a trade unionists to Australia.
Hete Thoune was right when it wrote Only if the ting out social arrant aments for a new civilisation on a hith erto uninhabited desert island, would overlook its lack of the state
philosophy - the values it presents and around which it organises its policies and programme
This principle must be the extension of democracy — democracy as the essential principle without which individual liberty cannot be realised and on which alone individual liberty can
oppression.
by Nati
core of
present
Values, Labour's i years.
entitled Withdr
is not statement. Robin Con
ortation of
goetalism.
ent were set-
possible to It be
progressive content of bundred: years democracy has
and more fundamentally
rural population, magnificently
docube the ty, on labour.
the population and areas oi socicty markets, which powerhouse of social ad The which are deeply
Al A joint meeting of Labour's
al Executive Committee and Shadow Cabinet on 5 February Neil Kinnock and Roy Hattersley John
le a document, Statement of Democratic Socialist Aims and
basis for over the next badly received.
Tribune attacked le in an editorial
this unworthy prodeced a strong criticism of it in the New
be based, and their inseparable connec-
naton of democracy, market not the market, which is the essential
the last three Britain. This frequently, indeed with the capitalist market. That market first imposed private property on a subservient
La reminded usin Whigsand Hunters, anthen was used reminded us te impose the 'market, private proper-
The real progress in the last three hundred years has been the extension of democracy to wider and under layers of
and life Ir is d
Statesman: Ken Livingstone Tribune noted that at NEC/shadow cabinet meeting even
Smith and John Cunningham..moved in to demolish it'.
But despite this it seems clear that the party leadership is going to push ahead with the document. Nigel Williamson, editor of Labour Party News, wrote defending it in the 19 February issue of Tribunesimply saying that the document
tatorial — Hitler's Germany or Chile to take two examples. But there are no societies in which there are no free trade unions, or no democracy, but where there is freedom.
Labour should not hesitate to state that under any conditions where the
and democracy conflict stand for democracy. Labour should be Pe may leave beang the party of
may leave the party capitalism, with its inherently antidemocratic structure, to the Tories
It is argued by some that socialism somehow counterposed to democracy, should be our principle But I consider there is no contradiction between the
- and to allow any counterposition to creep in in our practice would be fatal Rights
zeside Je
in needed 'fine tuning. In an the troduction to a pamphlet by the
leader of the Labour group in the European parliament, David Martin, Neil Kinnock simultaneously strongly reaffirmed British support of the Common Market and attempted some Socialist Action asked KEN LIV. INGSTONE to explain his position on the document. We think it is an important statement and will reply to it in our next issue
was extended to the majority of society, to women.
Democracy was extended through the creation government, More substantially it was expanded by the extension of collective trade unon meets to wmit the aroirar we power of capital. In a more limited way
it has been developed by health anc safety and other rights at work.
Liberation
наношу истос piogits has seen the movement of liberation from Empire democracy in the last Agee and Hosenball?
Socialist Action con
. VUI
It is Colony WaCs socialism.
State
nullified • The
constrained
creasingly
Secrecy,
excellent book
commissioners.
in-
cil...
*fine tuning
so, since it was clusion economy.
of a network of local
prospects
Here
rising unemployment:
the community, what step forward in
years is unbute their ties The entire must be rejected.
March 1988 3 Liberal revival of the 1950s and 1960s was based on exploiting the failure of Labour to defend democratic rights We still see it with issues such as the initial response on Clause 28 or on Zir
But, beyond these issues, Labour has not been the party of democracy because it has talled to extend it into the two most anti-democratic bulwarks of
society Slatt the capitalist control of the economy. In these spheres socialism and democracy
control of the state and capital demands. In these spheres no democracy whatever is practiced. inev are the essential instru ment by which capitalism maintains privilege and arbitrary power — al other spheres of democratic rights are subordinate to these. It is extending democracy into these spheres, and by this means safeguarding and extending democratic rights in general, that the
chucial becomes dissolubly linked to the success of
The first of these areas is the state. Democracy remains limited to simply
of and because of this limitation democratic control is limited and frequently
only sphere in which democratic principle is applied in our present state is parliament and local
- the former, in reality, by non-elective state which surrounds it and the latter in.
hamstrung by arbitrary patronage, and lack of democracy dominate the current state — the British state is archaic even by international standards.
Colin Leys has rightly put it in an
Politics Britain:
There were and are, no elections fo the Upper House of parliament, or fo
No popular voice is heard in the election of the board of any nationalised industry, the board of governors or the BBC or the Indepen dent Television Authority, or of any regional or district health authority, the Arts Council, University Grants Com mission or the Science Research CounEconomy
•Parliament remained the apparent focus of political life, and necessarily
apart from local - the only democratic ele ment in the state? The state remains an arena of bureaucracy and secrecy. Labour must open up, and break down, that anti-democratic character of the stat The second decisive issue is the ex-
of democracy from the While apparently enjoying sovereignty through parliament all the decisions most deeply affecting the lives of people in reality are excluded from •democratic control - they can be sacked, crippled at work, their jobs and
overturned democratic rights whatever
the fundamentally antidemocratic character of capital show. itself. It is a 'dictatorship of capital. There is no democracy when it comes to
profits versus mass
That the democratic rights of laboss of
take precedence over those of capital That bose sic sn
TrET
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Fighting clause 28
Deselect MPs who vote for Alton
4 Socialist Action TEN THOUSAND demonstrate in January; fifteen thousand march in Manchester in February. clause 28 of the Local Government Bill is to turn the national demonstration on 30 April into an even vaster mobilisation and to draw massively into the struggle.
Since the confusion around the introduction of the queer bashing amend
by Tory chers Wilshire and Knight in December, much has now become clear. The stakes involved in this battle have been revealed to be even more serious than seemed possible at the outset.
In the first place the government has shown by the mobilisation against any amendment in the House Unal regards the proposal as its OWIL That means that any: likelihood of removing the worst features of the legisla-
bying has effectively vanished. majorities were substantial. In fact the
made at that stage which added the question of "intention' to the ban on 'promotion of homosexuality, actually made the clause sharper and more vicious.
Secondly the debate on clause 28 a debate which has probably attracted more national publicity than any olner amendment to a hil - has made it quite clear that the sponsors of the clause had every bit as reactionary and wide ranging interpretation as we most teared:
THE Women's Action Committee (WAC) AGM meeting in Manchester on 6 February decided to launch a campaign for the deselection of all those Labour MPs who either voted abortion Bill or abstained at the second reading.
A dossier of material has already been sent to every CLP involved, and contact has been made with supporters of WAC in number of constituencies in order to raise the issue.
The vasilyalll is obviously already causing concern to the party leadership. Apart picked up by the nationa
with articles in the
and the Guardi Te, it has
and the Guardian, also Walworth Rd, and some of been noted
the MPs involved have felt stung into responding.
By Jude Woodward
The press in Scotland has been particularly quick to pick up the implications of WAC's campaign, and Scottish male MPs. have
'defend themselves.
WAC is realistic about the slim chances of success in actually deselecting MPs, but the campaign will bring home the seriousness of the es overn
has already been
deselection provoked George Galloway into abs. taining rather than voting
or the Alton Bill. Hopeful
WAS campaign will have a similar effect in for-
March 1988
London in
The task now for the campaign against
the labour movement
They have happily clarified that they do mean to outlaw, in effect, any effort to counter discrimination. Thev have shown that the have every intention of driv-
lesbian and gay rights off the agenda.
We may reasonably see clause 28 not as the end, but as the start of a reactionary counteroffensive against lesbians and gay men. It is an offensive which Will have inevitably violent .consequences, as it will bring into play all bigotry stored whole history of suppres-
By Peter Purton,:
LCLGR National Committee Member (personal capacity)
sion of alternatives to normal heterosexuality in all levels of society. It will play on the unfounded fears and thoughtless loathing homosexuality lies behind much the violence leshians and gavs already suffer. It will exploit the terrifying backwardness of the labour movement and the left on this question, to divide the ment and to derail the resistance
for Alton's anti-
cing other MPs to consider their voting position.
WAC's main concern is
the defeat of Alton's Bill at its third reading. However the opportunity is also be
ing taken to point out that none rue women favor MPs voted for Alton, and that selecting more women for safe seats is the surest way the policy on abortion rights is carried out.
Perhaps not surprisingly, considering the vested interests Labour MPs, WAC- and supporters of the FAB campaign in the Labour Party have tound themselves ac cused of 'intolerance for campaigning to ensure that
arty policy is implemented
by the entire PLP
However what perhaps shocking to some is that this accusation has not been confined to the ranks of the right wing. even Of the left there are those who
understood that abortion rights are as
a picket line is to a strike, or as solidarity to a trade u. The accusation of intolerance is raised because women are told that what we are dealing with is a matter of 'conscience for the MPs. who vote with Alton.
OUD
Fortunately the resistance has begun with a' campaign of vigour, courage and militancy. Virtually every organisation of the lesbian
gay Hak banded together to demonstrate an astonisning campaigning ability. Tens of thousands of previously unpolitical lesbians and gays have taken to the streets this
But if religious belief is an excuse tor • Cele women their rights, then presumably the same token it is excusable that there against Catholics in the North of Ireland by fundamentalist protestants who believe the Pope is the anti-Christ, or by the state of Israel against Palesti-
as 'right return' is justified an
. or sup-
port for Clause 28 of the
Local Government Bill b those who believe homosexuality is a perversion. Or indeed perhaps those have argued that nurses have no right to go on strike are justified as it 'might en-
danger nte and this Is ar issue of conscience.
Individuals are indeed entitled to hold such views, we can be very tolerant of a
of Views held by individuals. But if
15 & GAYME
I'D PROUD
time. The demonstrations -both the big national marches and the smaller rallies -have exuded militancy,
Lesbians and gay man have
not going quietly or volun tarily back into the world of
visibility from which have only recently begun to emerge.
Women's Action Committee
someone elected parliament, and then claims that this gives them a right
everyone else, to ignore the rights of women and the decisions of Labour Party conference, then it is clear who 'intolerant. If religious belief means tha an MP is not prepared defend women's rights, then clearly they should not be an MP.*
However the majority of those who voted with Alton, or abstained, did not do so even on the basis of profound and consistent religious belief and do noi even have a tig leat to covel their attack on women's rights.
The Women's Action Committee campaign will also tie into the reselection process which was suppos
ed to begin in June of this of the electoral college
It was a problem that the media attention concentrated on the aL Lo lobby campaign against clause 28, and that the arts lobby concentrated on the important but narrow question of cen-
The struggle Wak thereby diverted, eyen trivialised: It is not the intention of most of the tory: bigots to ban Marlowe or Shakespeare. It is their in-
STOP THE JALTON PLE agreed at last year's con ference have been circulated. WAC will be campaigning for more women
'selected tor Labour seats, particularly targeting those MPs who refuse to defend abortion rights
This campaign will obviously have to focus on Scotland where Labour's good results have only produced one woman Labour MP, with a very high proportion of Scottish male Labour MPs voting against ADOR YUEN
WAC . will continue to make a high priority of involvement not only in call ing for deselection but in all aspects of the FAB campaign. WAC members have played a leading role establishing FAB nationally from the outset.
The long. drawn out consultation on the women's organisation
tention to legislate ig-
into schools, persecute and drive out les: bian and gay teachers and council workers, outlaw equal opportunities work, and restore the fulsom normality of heterosexual family life - the world of child abuse, domestic violence, rape and incest of women. It is this aspect, and thes which must be highlighted at each stage of the campaign.
The campaign will next turn to building for the national demonstration in London on 30 April. The links already established with other campaigns like FAB must be deepened and strengthened in practical solidarity at every level. Les bians and • gay men must demonstrate their support
all back against the those who
Tories: the teachers, health
While much valuable work has already been done on this front, win the lesbian and gay movement to consider the
movement as their natural allies suffers from one considerable obstacle. That is that there is very little evidence that the labour movement is a supporter of lesbian and gay
taken from December to Februar for the Labour front benc to move from a position of not opposing the amend. ment to one of standing by also due to end this vear with constitutional amend ments being tabled at annual conference
Margaret Prosser, TGWU national official, recently reported to the Greater London conference that she favoured a division of the
votes at national women's conference a 45:45:10 basis (45 per cent for the unions, 45 per cent for the constituency women's organisations and 10 cent the socialist societies) and the creation
hational Labour women's bödy rather than the cumbersome NEC women's committee
and National Labour
Women's Committee.
While these proposals do not include the key one
of women's conference electing the women's places on the NEC, they are far from
the 90 per cent trade union
bloc vote that some feared
was being prepared by
right, and reflect the
pressure of women on the
party.
Creating a clear and
consistent constitution for the women's organisation,
from its national commit-
tees and representation at
national conference, down
to its structure at a CLP
level, is, in WAC's view, a
precondition for a
powerful organisation of
women in the Labour Party.
Margaret Prosser's pro-
posals would not go. Tal
enough, but would be a step
News
its twice reaffirmed parts policy and finally making a stand, the visible presence of the labour movement or the two nationa demonsters „man been extremely small. There were a few trade union banners (including national
from the NUJ and Labour Party banners • fewer stil
no exaggeration to say that
and in particular of the party, is extremely low among activists.
The fight now must be to win trade unions and Labour Darie DONE understanding the nature of the attack, and the urgent need to become involved in the struggle It will involve Ladice. Butthe victories ot rooted pre judice the last few years and the •clear. policie adopted by the TUC many nationa unions, and the Labour
should make the work easier
The argument must be won also on the need councils not merely not to cave in in advance of the bill becoming law but also to strengthen commit ment to equal r rights. In thi
the teaching and local govern ment unions is crucial.
Let one back Weare are not going back. going to resist the тогу onslaught. It is in the in class that we do not face it towards setting the women's organisation more solid foundation to conduct the are neon
Women's Action Committee had a difficult year, finding itself the sub. ject sustained from both right and left.
The right and the LCC have tried to break WAC away from its alhances with the Labour Left Liaison and the
deliver anything significant for women in the party, frequently even fail-
slate for the NEC in the
CLPs that it influences
On the left Briefing opposed the review of the women's organisa tion, accused WAC of selling out to the LCC, and has implicitly opposed the rela
ionship between WAC an
the LLI
But the last year has in fact proved that the cours taken by WAC has been correct
Over the last year it has maintained a high profile
campaign to strengthen the Labour women's örganisa-
tion, had a major presenc
in me rig Alton's Bil
ampaign, organised a cor
on Majority' on Labour's policies for women, and continued to campaign for unity on the left on the principled basis of support for the demands of women in the abour movement. It re mains easily the most powerful women's campaign in the Labour Party.
Page 5 scan of this page
News
THE Stalker affair made it clear that the British government cannot tolerate even a tiny part of the truth about its actions in Ireland. That's why Stalker was framed, why the Birmingham Six remain in prison, why RUC murderers and their protectors are immune from prosecution and so on. The government is trying to keep the lid on a veritable panAIDEN McAnespie WAS murdered by British soldier as he walked to a game of gaelic football on Sunday 21 February. The army said it was an accident. But McAnespie's family and the local priest reported that Aiden had specifically been threatened with death by the army and had been regularly insulted and harassed over a period of five years.
McAnespie's family can be sure that the support they have been pro. mised from Charles
tive as that government's support for other Irish victims of British injustice.
The British government has heaped more injustice
in the weeks since 25
at any ume since 1981. In doing so it bas also: shown its complete contempt for its partners in the Anglo-Irish Agreement - the Dublin government.
Dublin's response has been pathetic.
end of 1987 Charles Haughey's government submitted completely to British demanas for extradition, cross-border secutie croneton and the biggest military opera-
against Republicans south of the border for 25.
Britain gave nothing in return not even a few minor cosmetic reforms to help Haughey save face.
Stop of this, starting on 25 January, the
chestrated an extraordinary series of demonstrations of complete disregard for justice towards the Irish.
rile ever well known. On 25 January it
Why Haughey
crawls to
Thatcher
was announced that RUC officers whe had taken part in the cover up of the murder of six victims of the RUC's shoot-to-kill policy in 1982 would not be prosecuted and the Sampson/Stalker report would not even be published. Dublin was given no warning of this announcement even though it in yolved KUC incursions into the 26 counties.
Three days later, on 26 January, the appeal court in London rejected the overwhelming evidence of police frame-up of the Birmingham Six and sent them back to the prisons where they have spent the last 14 years.
15 February, the government announced that the Prevention of ter
made dreds of thousands of Irish people have been harassed wader tuts taw.
Extradition
On 17 February, the Northern Ireland secretary,
the Dublin government's objections been dismissed. There would be no criminal prosécutions of the RUC. Just an inquiry to consider whether murder and conspiracy to pervert the course of justice merit disem mary action Hison. ly 'concession' to Dublin was that Britain would in future do the paper work asked for by Düblin for extraditing Irish people from the 26 counties!
Salute day, in special debate on Anglo-irish relations, House, the Dublin parlia-
the timing Haughey of London's ICHICLE decisions and they. tempt for Irish sensitivities. But all parties agicca lal me priority te mained to do everything in our power to deteat the mer of violence. Previous in-
the Dublin
why. dications that extradition and cross border security co-operation might be jeopardised withdrawn by Haughey
In case the rhetoric went
anyone's head, Tomas MacGiolla: the leader of the Workers' Party, spelt out the basic line, warning:
temptation of a ritual knee terk anti-British reaction... We should also remember that those wao nave beer responsible for the overwhelming majority of
Northern Ireland has been the Provisional IRA!
Unfortunately the only kriee jerk reaction in Dublin was prostration beforé the British government
Even Seamus Mallon, deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), had to differ.
explained Tribune that the killings investigated bv Stalker were bu no means exceptional
Between January 1965 and December 1986, 166 civilians who were not involved in any paramilitary activity were killed by the security forces the Army, the RUC and the UDR. The impact of these harrowing statistics is compounded by
ly two instances were convictions obtained. 98.8 per non-conviction rate.. People in Britain
able to tand the shock, bitterness and anger at the Mayhev decision! Corner
Mallon is in a tight corner because he has spent the last two years selling the idea that the Anglo-Irish Agreement would bring justice to the Six Counties and end une nightmare. manifestly
Haughey declared, before he was elected, his opposition to the Anglo-
Family and friends carry
McAnespie's coffin past the checkpoint from which he was shot
dora's box of murders, frame-ups and lies reaching to the highest levels of government.
But what is even more remarkable is how, faced with each fresh insult and humiliation, government has meekly capitulated. REDMOND O'NEILL looks at Irish Agreement, the PTA and to extradition. Yet his government has accepted all of them The humiliation of the past four
is just the logical
esult of this cours
laving treated Dubli with the utmost contempt Thatcher will just keep coming back for more. And if Haughey's party reaches a point where it can go no lurther, then Thatcher will
quite happy SCI Haughey replaced by the other major parties in the south all of whom regard even 'Haughey's protests as dangerously provocative towards Thatcher
As it is the Fianna Fail government is a minority
hangs on to power by the grace of these parties and because its economic programme of massive austerity, like its actions on partition, is identical to their Owil. Dublin
There is nothing new about Haughey's role. At every point since 1921 the government in Dublin ha! been key to securing Britist interests in Ireland.
Partition was not, and could imply by force of British and Unionist arms in the Six Counties. The Free State Dublin government wagca an cvch more Drulal and bloody war to crush nationalist opposition to partition in the south. On a more minor scale the IRA campaigns against the border during the second world war and at the end of the fifties were defeated by a combination of repression south, as well as north, of the border, including mass internment.
It is a matter of the historical record that the
and the governments in the south have preferred this option to the alternative of a fight
Ireland. Irish capitalist class has never
been economically indepen dent of Britain which still today, takes nearly half of southern Ireland's trade and has a major stake in the Irish domestic economy
The horrible 800 history of Britain's role in Ireland means, however, that simple support British repression and never has been, a polic capable of maintaining popular support in Ireland
Majority
A large majority of the Irish people have always wanted Irish unity and independence. And, between 70 and 80 per cent of people
want a united Ireland. Opposition to a united Ireland has declined since the present crisis began - down to 10 per cent in 1984 (Pols conducted by MRBI and MORI 1970, and 1984):
Irish unity remains writ ten into the constitution of the southern irish state.
Even popular admiration for the ideals of th IRA, though not its methods' rose in the south to 32 per cent in 1978, 41 per cent in 1980 and 39 per cent in 1984.
hard core minorite
Carovet IRA's aims and methods' — twg per cent in 1978, rising . to five per cent in 1980 and
(Polls conducted by IMS/Gallup •IMS and
1978, 1980 and 1984).
So Dublin's role in policing partition has had to.be dressed. up in nationalist rhetoric.
Haughey made the political function of his party's lip service to national unity quite clear when he said in the Dail in 1985: 'We are the moral barrier against violent and abhorrent form
Socialist Action of nationalism. It would be quite irresponsible of us to abandon the cause of Irish nationalism, the ideal of a united Ireland and to hand it over as the exclusive property of those prepared t
ursue it by violent mean
Thus the 'nationalism' of Fianna Fail, and of every Dublin has had the function simply of preventing the emergence of any force genuinely com mitted to carrying the strug Through to the very eod. freedom Such a force has arisen in the current struggle in the north of ireland and what
Dublin, the Church hierarchy and the British government is the determination to prevent it building up popular support in the south
Hence, since the hunger strikes in 1981, the shared understanding of the need for a political strategy to stop the national movement in the north, and specifically its leadership Sinn Fein becoming 32 . county political force
Repression
One element of such a strategy has always been
straightforward repression in the south as well as the north. Dublin has its own no-jury courts and one of the most
of media censorship. in the world. Security operation is, of course, the core of the • Hillsborough agreement.
The second element was the idea that Dublin would guarantee and uphold the rights of the nationalist community the Six Counties more effectively Inall the cycle struggle since 1969 was, of course, the basis which the agreement wa. sold to the Irish people
discredited by the events since 25 January this year.
March 1988 5 Instead they have helped ex pose the anti-national character of the Haughes government.
This is further shown by its economic policy. This involves a programme of the most drastic cuts in social
stadius for so liairs,
years whilst cent of export earnings leave the country each year
s, dividends and royalt royalties
Finally, and in some respects, most repugnantly of all, the Dublin govern ment is allowing once again to be literally depopulated by mass emigration, al a tal of 30,000 leaving annually Two per cent of Ireland's population has left the
since 1981 The continuing depopulation of Ireland remains perhaps the ments of British domination of Ireland historically - and the Dublin governments which play their part in upholding it.
The favourite speculation in the Irish media today is that the openly anti-
ropula Democrat Party and Workers' Party herald th by-passing of the national question as the dominant question of Irish politics
But, on the contrary, th SILIOS of Dublin's crawling to That cher in recent weeks is to aid a modest, but significant, advance of Sinn Fein in th • 26 counties. Precisely the opposite of what Thatcher Haughev and the have all been working for since 1981.
In Britain, one result is already clear, broader supsport for withdrawal from reland. The Irish Post, thi main newspaper of the Iris in Britain. has already British withdrawal. This is only the beginning.
Page 6 scan of this page
Crisis in th
crisis as it hits nurses.
THE NHS is now a central battle round not just for the defence of a
tal interest of the working class but
the whole ideology conomic/political objectives of the Thatcher government.
This confrontation has deliberately chosen by the government. The evidence is overwhelming that while there is a long term problem of funding the NHS on Tory priorities there is no short term problem at all. The decision to provoke confrontation in the NHS now, at the beginning of the Tories third term, is a deliberate one. What is the evidence For this conclusion and how does it fit into the Tories overall strategy?
First, as regards the reality that there is no short term crisis for funding the NHS, this is made clear in the government's own January 1988 public spending white paper. Due to higher than expected receipts from council and new town house sales, treated in Treasury accounts as negative expenditure, government has been underspending on its own plans in 1987-88 by £1.3 billion. Furthermore there was in January still £600 billion left in 1988's reserves. On the income side the chancellor is, as the Financial Times put It, awash with revenues due to 1987's rapid economic
Resources
The demands made for extra funding of the NHS are modest compared with available resources. For example the National Association of Health Authorities is asking for only £231 million for next. year •OVe governmen Viculis. Phillip Hunt, director of the National Association of Health Authorities, noted: 'People are talking as though the health service has to be financed in some other way, yet for the moment all we are asking for is another f230 million that would provide authorities with the stability they need for the coming year. That would work wonders morale and allow some expansion? Yet the government refused to meet even gich a minima demand.
Many of the demands which are being pressed on the government are tiny compared. to the underspending and reserves of £l.9 billion - let alone the revenues available for tax cuts. Even the
THE NHS is now the central
battleground in the fight against
Thatcher. JOHN ROSS looks at
Thatcher's plans for privatising the
NHS. GEOFF RYAN looks at the
call of the Labour Party organisations that £11.3 billion be spent on the NHs. could be mei and serious problem at present. Furthermore,
given the figures, it is clear the government could make both tax cuts and increase spending on the NHS. The decision in the public spending white paper, and in the government's projections for been the budget, not to give extra funds for the
NHS is therefore primarily a political, not an economic, decision. therefore, is the government choosing to make this attack on the NHS at the present time?
First, over the lọng term, the Tories clearly forsee low growth in the economy and a crisis of funding of the NHS* which requires a two per cent increase a year to maintain its present level of service However, as the figures shows, this is not the main factor in its refusal to fund the NHS.
The decisive factor is an understanding that the NHS is a battletield for the politics and ideology of Thatcherism. The Sunday Times, a paper pushing the
Led on 31 January the shift in government strategy signalled by the decision to hold a policy review on the NHS: For weeks past, the prime minister had struggled to would about the NHS and its failure to cope with demand for hospital beds... 'All her efforts to get the story of a growing crisis out of the headlines were being smothered by the increasing cries of chaos from within the NHS. She had thought that by constantly repeating the figures of increased spending and the extra-NHS staff since she came to power, she could win through.
Last weekend. mind, not by opening the Treasury coffers to the NHS cash-seekers but by deciding to be more daring that she has ever been before in domestic policy... he idea took hold that this was an opportunity not to be missed and that the public was ready for a fundamental review.
Consultants
Indeed it has been not just Labour or the nurses that has opened up fire on the government. The development of groups such as 'Birmingham Consultants for the rescue a lit NHS, supported
ingham area, Showed
and medical which worried the government.
willoul d Oakley
government has never been more on the defensive over its handling of the National Health Service. The time bought by its injection of an extra £100 million funding before Christmas has already. run out, and it joins debates with Labour today in a bad state of jitters!
Why, gordian knot of the political crisis she
was facing by announcing, on Panorama on 25 January, a review of the NHS totally controlled by the government. It will be carried through by an ad hoc group of ministers and advisers and is supposed to report before the summer.
Tax relief
present Announcing: the
made her intentions clear. She repeated her belief in expanding private medicine. When the question of tax relief on private health insurance was raised she stated, 'ministers were considering all of these things. She stated that with health as on education: 'we will hold our own inquiries and our own consultations.
dent of the Financial Times, put it 'Like public concern he debate of the past two years leadin
Tip to the current Education Reform Bi Mrs Thatcher is having no truck with time-consuming royal commissions or the semi-public Fowler social security in quiries. discussions.
within the Tory party on the health service is clear. The most extreme mooted publicly that she changed her minister Rhodes Boyson # who has call-
Led for the privatisation of the NHS and the substitution of a state voucher of £300 a year which could be cashed with a private insurance firm. Hospitals would ›e transferred to private ownership
too electorally unpopular to have any chance of being adopted. But others are trying to get similar results by different means. Madsen Pirie, right wing Adam Smith Institute, for example has concentrated on promoting private health insurance. 'A part of the
private health insurance…..A by start was made in 1981 when the then the Birm- Chancellor made
surance a tax free bonus for those earn-
The Times political editor Robin
noted on ly january: "The Thatcher therefore decided to cut the
review Thatcher As Peter Kiddell, pontical correspon-
She wants full control of the
The nature of proposals being floated
ex-government
Boyson's proposals are too blatant and
president of the private health in-
Homerton Hos
Gate 4
Main
ing below £8,500 per year and entered by their employer. This group could be expanded by granting a tax rebate for those undertaking private medical insurance
A second tack was shown in the report on the NHS by the Carlton Club/Conservative Medical Society. One of the
pal authors of this was Sir Gerard
NH
CUTS
HUR®
Sra
STAFF
SHOR
KIL
Vaughan. This report called for replacement of the NHS with a national health * insurance scheme, for tax relief on health care premiums, and, in particular, steps to destroy the health service unions. In preparation far-reaching changes in the NHS the Tories have taken steps to prepare the legal ground
Page 7 scan of this page
eNHS
S
VILL
mal
notably removing the legal definition of
a private patient from its Health and
Medicines Bill.
But even before it gets to fundamental structural changes it is clear that the
government is planning cuts in the real
effectiveness of the NHS. It is planning to run the NHS down and make it un-
Photo: GRAEME COOKSON
popular as was achieved, over a decade, with public housing.
The 1988 public spending white paper shows that gross NHS spending is planned to rise by 2 per cent after next year allowing for inflation - just on the limit of the 1.5-2 per cent annual rise required to meet the growth in the number of people aged over 75 and medical advances. But it does not include any allowance for real rises in NHS staff pay.
The government's projected figures show that the real rise in gross NHS spending is planned to slow to 1.3 per cent in 1989-90 and to 1.7 per cent in 1990-91. Capital spending on English hospitals is shown as increasing by only 1 per cent. These figures take the NHS down to the level where the service will begin to deteriorate further. Clearly the aim is to make the NHS unpopular and inefficient.
These figures have been denounced not just by the health unions and the
Party but by every: health organisațion.
• The British Medical Association (BMA) announced following the white paper that: Politicians of all parties must intervene in the debate on the white paper to ensure that additional funding is provided? Uneconomic
But if one side of the Tory coin is running down the NHS the other building up private medicine largely at the taxpayers expense The truth is that private medicine is uneconomic and can only be sustained deliberate government policy: The facts of the last nine years show this.
As soon as it came to office in 1979 the Thatcher government set about trying to increase the weight of private medicine in Britain. The number of those taking out private health insurance schemes jumped by 20 per cent in 1980.
But since then the increase in private health ELas slowed down dramatically. Since 1981 growth has been three per cent a year.
A key reason is soaring costs. For four successive years after 1983 private health insurance premiums rose faster than inflation - with a 15 per cent increase in 1986.
Chronic
This is despite the fact that private insurance schemes are, of course, careful to turn down those who have greatest need of health care and concentrate on the profitable. Kidney failure for example is not covered by the British United Provident Association (BUPA) and Private Patients Plan (PPP) - the two groups which together account for ninety per cent of private health insurance. BUPA restricts chronic coverage to 180 days in hospital a year. PPP does not cover psychiatric сате, Callal complications, or drug and alcohol dependency.
Their schemes are also particularly biased against the elderly. A BUPA spokesperson admitted: The elderly have both heavier use of hospital care and once in hospital tend to stay longer, pushing premiums up..We only have
about 300,000 people past retirement age. They are at present subsidised to. some
extent by our younger subscribers. But
SO, for them are
expensive. If they got tax relief, many
more thousands would continue their
cover.
Despite thebe restrictions a Bupacare plan providing coverage for a married
couple aged between 30 and 49 with a family costs f952 a year for the use of London hospitals, f614 for large centres outside London and £513 in rural areas. With such prices, while private health insurance has been rising it still only Lovels
It is for this reason that the private medical companies, and the Tory right wing, led by Social Services secretary John Moore, are so strongly pressing for tax relief on private medical insurance. This has already been introduced for anyone with private health insurance earning under £8,500 a year but virtually all the two million plus policy holders,
million people,
The result is that the number of private
insurance is still very low. Only about one quarter (586,000) of those with private health insurance take it out individually. More than a half (1,160,00) are covered by company schemes. The rest (391,000) are in some form of group scheme.
Private
The therefore concerhed to bring about a dramatic increase in the proportion of the population using private medicine.
proportion population covered by insurance went above 10 per cent for the first time since the creation of the NHS. Running down the NHS is seen as one way of increasing this figure As The Independent reported:
Conservatives advising government that private health insurance will grow naturally if the squeeze on the NHS is maintained. The other crucial measure is introducing tax relief on private neal lsurance senemies
Far from 'aiding the NHS', as on official Tory ideology private medicine is supposed to do, such tax relief would immediately strike a major blow against the public health service. As Malcolm Dean noted in the Guardian: 'Extending tax relief to all, even if it was restricted to the basic rate... would mean an immediate bill of over £150 million for the government without any extra help to the NHS - tax relief at 27 per cent on the estimated f650 million spent last year on health insurance premiums last year. Tax relief would undoubtedly increase the number of people taking out insurance because it would cut the cost by 27 per cent (or 25 percent if the basic rate is reduced). Just how many extra is difficult to predict. It is precisely because it strikes such a direct blow at the NHS that tax relief private health, insurance schemes is a political hot potato.
Battlefield
While the government has so far had limited success there is no doubt that it is beginning to shift the balance in health
care. For example the number of NHS
beds fell by 41,000 between 1979 and 1985 while the number of beds for acute cases in the private sector rose by 3,600.
The government has decided to take the opportunity of the crisis in the NHS to take a step forward in its plans for degutting the health service and setting in place an economically and socially inef
ficient and irrational, but privatised, health service. That is why even when it has every economic means to increase spending on the NHS it refuses to do so. Its political goals take priority.
This is why the entire the entire NHS has become a battlefield
THE NURSES strikes have brought to public attention the crisis in the nursing profession. But this crisis is not new. Already at the beginning of last year Nursing Times ran an article When the tap runs dry, showing a likely shortage. of some 10,000 trained nurses by the year 2004.
In the past the NHS has just managed to replace the 30,000 nurses who leave annually with new students and some qualified staff returning to nursing However, the number of young women with between five "O' levels and two A levels leaving school is falling due to population changes. At present nursing recruits about 25 per cent of this group but by the mid-1990s it will, if nothing else is done have to increase this to over 50 per cent.
By Geoff Ryan, nurse, Manchester Royal Infirmary
This would by itself create a major staffing problem, even if everything else was fine. Everything else is far from fine.
Of course, compared to many of the low paid ancillary workers in the NHS nurses are very well paid. However in comparison with other "professions nurses rewards are very poor.
A nurse earns £7,300-f8,600 a yea compared £7.600-£14,300 for teacher, £7,700-€12,800 for social worker, and £8,400-£14,000 for a police constable. Further up the scale the picture is the same. Senior teachers, principal social workers and police sergeants
Crisis for
nurses
starting salaries are all higher than the maximum pay of a ward sister/charge soulse
Nurses fare in : London weighting allowances, rent allowances and so on, and, unlike the police, do not receive free prescriptions, dental treatment etc.
Any extra pay for 'unsocial hours' is therefore a necessary part of a nurse's pay. But nurses have one of the worst shift payments systems in Britain.
Unsocial hours' payments only begin at 8pm and the payment for week ends was reduced two years ago from 33 per cent to 30 per cent for Saturdays (same rate for early and late shifts) and from 66 per cent to 60 per cent for Sunday working and bank holidays.
Most nurses work shifts - although traditionally there has been a separate night-shift However in many health authorities are now trying to change existing shift systems.
Some authorities have now abandoned a separate night shift and all staff have to BICS ON rotation. At the government's instigation health authorities are also trying to reduce the amount of overlap between the morning and afternoon shifts.
All this has effects on both patients and staff. For staff it has meant that those on late shift work later in order to allow the night shift to begin work later,
while those on early shift have to start sooner in order to further reduce the night shift. The biggest losers are those
working nights who now have to work an
extra night per month for the same pay.
Overlap Patients suffer because the afternoon
overlap is often the only time when many
jobs can get done - wnen nurses Ila.
have some time to sit and talk to patients
In psychiatry the afternoon is often the
only time when it is possible to take pa-
tients off the ward (whether for treat-
for specific problems such
agrophobia which cannot possibly be
dealt with other than off the ward, or for
outings, which are a necessary part of life
for the elderly mentally ill spending the
rest of their days in hospital).
student suffer from any
reduction in the shift overlap as this is
often the only time when qualified nurses
are available to teach them. The reduc-
tion in overlap can mean an in ease risk of violence for nurses, the vast ma jority of whom are women, as hospitals are built in badly lit res areas.
Low staffing levels normally auras
the Midlands children unable to hase surgery because of lack of nurses. However, low levels of constant featare of work in the Ta In far from unusual for only one nurse to be on a ward. Low kuds or fing means that nurses are tract , the standard of care they woek ik have to work hard simply it cost: tients receive the most basic a SeE levels have to be maintained ta ste Ise al bank nurses agenc whatever their individual attrie not be as aware of the needs e: je = dividual patients as full time se
This constant struggle to basic care demoralisation amongst staff - expressed through increasing levels of sickness which in turn put greater stress on those who carry on working. In order to maintain staffing levels some 60 per cent of nurses work overtime, often without pay or time off
under health authorities have also been selling off accommodation. This has led to a
crisis, particularly in London. Whilst it is possible for nurses in some areas to buy houses or flats the explosion of house prices in London and the south east puts even the cheapest property out sce me aire or muse duise. • Not sur prisingly the greatest nursing shortage is in the four Thames health authorities
Despite the view amongst nurses for the need for more NHS accommodation little is done to rectify this situation. Moreover there is a need for accom modation for all grades of staff in the NHS, not just nurses. The problem of accommodation will combine with the problem of low pay even more when the poll
tax is introduced, further exacerbating the problems of staffing levels.
Discharging
To make matters worse there has been a dramatic increase in the number of
people being treated in hospital. But this
increased treatment has only been
achieved by discharging patients much more quickly. Therefore nurses both in hospital and in community services are having to deal with patients who are usually more ill than in the past. The pace of the work is quickened for nursing staff and the level of stress is increased.
Finally the role of the nurse is now
expanding.
Whilst such steps benefit both nurses
and patients they clearly increase the level
of stress under which nurses work. The
nurse takes on extremely skilled tasks,
acts as a counsellor, defends the rights of
patients and has a continually expanding
role in the teaching of nurses (and often
of medical staff, though they would
perhaps be reluctant to admit this.
Nursing itself developed with an ex.
ceptionally strong and reactionary
regime, basing itself on the twin tradi-
tions of religion and the military, foster-
ing the notions of 'vocation' in which the
nurse was expected to devote her entire
life to the care of the sick (on marriage
women were no longer allowed to con-
tinue nursing)
Today much of that ideology is unde
attack from within nursing. Women are
questioning why male nurses achieve
promotion at a much faster rate than
women. There is an increased awarenes
of the importance of assertiveness and
training courses have been established.
Traditional attitudes of medical staff to
women, whether as nurses or as patients
are being questioned.
In short the growth of the women's
movement is having a marked impact in-
side nursing, particularly amongst stu-
dent nurses who have often been at the
forefront of the current wave of protests
• inside the NHS.
Page 8 scan of this page
Uprising in Gaza
The Palestinian uprising and the PLO
Israel: the monolith cracks
8
'violence on both sides.
even in a 'homeland'
THE UPRISINGS within the occupied territories
orientation.
The PLO has traditionally seen liberation as coming from Israeli state, whether this is in the form or action the Arab regimes, guerilla
diplomatic manoeuvres.
1974, Fatah, the bourgeois nationalist fac-
headed by Yassar Arafat, has oriented the PLO towards reaching an accommodation with imperialism and the Arab states around the project of a Palestinian mini-state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
This 'realistic' goal it practice replaced the officially declared objective of destroying the Zionist state through a protracted 'people's war.
La transitional demand the call for a PalestiTHE DIVISIONS among the supporters of the Israeli state which have opened up at an international level as a result of the Palestinian uprising in the occupied terrotories have also found a reflection within the Zionist state itself. Although these divisions represent tactical disagreements framework of Zionism, unleashed present Zionists in the Israeli state.
Polarisation: has been growing within the Israeli
tate for a long time. Th break-up of he nationa consensus He I speeded by the traumatic experience of the invasion of Lebanon the first
that Zionism had been unable hold together its forces during war and by the depth
nd length of the present Palestinian uprising.
The Israeli national ulty covertment te is the perverse logic of Zionism hat allows ultra-right Liked .and the Labour Party to unite) is coming
Socialist Action March 1988 THE uprising in the Israeli occupied territories has continued, and unmasked Israeli repression increased. The crisis confronting the Israeli state is perhaps deeper than it was at the time of the invasion of Lebanon. Fractures are beginning to appear within the pro-Zionist forces, not just internationally but in the sraeli state itself.
In this context Neil Kinnock's antics on his recent visit to the region are disgraceful. Kinnock began with some reasonably strong statements against Israeli military violence. But before long, in true subservient form, he was in rapid retreat referring to
He then proceded to assert that Israel should retain the Golan Heights, annexed from Syria; warn Palestinians against holding out for full sovereignty
never mentioning the and the resonance they have struck within the Israeli state itself poses serious challenges to the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) leadership's present
nian state could create the for mobilising Palestinian LIC Hilasscu within the occupied territories and even the possibility of winning section of the Isaeli working class. However, the independence of such a state would be illusory unless it was coupled with a strug
tionary Hashmetite monarch Jordan
Zionism in its crimes
This course would be anathema the Fatah eadership.
For tion
while mainwithin the centrifugal forces opportunities for anti-
under increasing strain as the uprising continues and петА101! condemnation rises.
By Rashid Ashraf
For the Likud the uprising presents an opportunity further to the right. They
defence of, and 1 CE Zionist expropriation the occupied territories
propriated nearly 40 per
possibility of a Palestinian state; and float support for the Hussein/Peres option of substituting Jordanian for Israeli rule in parts of the occupied territories.
The Observer on 21 February described Kinnock's meeting with the Israeli foreign mimster, Peres, as a 'love-in', where, according to Kinnock's aides, the two had found almost total identity of views.
Support for the Hussein/Peres option places Kinnock to the right even of forces in the US government who are favouring an 'international peace conference to establish a Palestinian 'homeland' in the occupied territories,
On these pages RASHID ASHRAF looks at current developments in the Palestinian movement and in the state of Israel and an article by RALPH SCHOENMAN takes apart. two states' proposals. taining a formal commitment to the destruction of the Israeli state. Instead of leading an anti-imperialist struggle based on the oppressed
Palestine, Arafat sought a negotiated settlement with the Israeli state with the help imperialism, Arab regimes. and even
This policy, based on the forlorn hope that the Zionists would negotiate a withdrawal from the occent of the * land in the territories occupied 1967. Continued support for apartheid policies, and
castine about for methods of 'encouraging' a transfer
of more Palestinians into neighbouring the cornerstones of the
response to le uprising
For the Labour Party the uprisings are incentive to pursue more vigorously reaching an understanding with aims contain the Palestinians by turning the West Bank and Gaza into bantustans policed either by Jordan
with the Israeli state. This Phe obiectives set by
objectives for the PLO except that he sees himself, rather than tbe Zionists, administering the liberated' territories with Jordan.
The Communist Party, • and the Democratic Front
cupied territories was doomed failure. Moreover the left factions within the PLO, and even
radical nationalists were potential threat to Arafat's plans.
Following the Zionist invasion of Lebanon
and seige Beirut, Arafat entered negotiations with the US for the evacuation of the PLO from Lebanon. The evacuation removed the last remain-
peace The uprisings took it by initially the
calling
the state in
with the CORINNY truggle
through local although nationally the party
which and left with various •Palestinian currents,
Palestinians withdrawing
the lack o democracy over-
of Israelis
These divergences
generally.
ing autonomous base of
fighters and strengthened Arafat's
the PLO. dependent state. in the oc The plan incupied territories now gave way to a demand for Jordanian-Palestinian confederation the option favoured by Reagan Presently this takes the form of Arafat calling for an international peace conference.
The uprising in the occupied territories has for the first time shifted the axis of the liberation strug
into 'ralestine response to the anger and uprisings are frustration that has built Zionist under 20 of
oppression. The waves of demonstrations
have united young and old, camp and city dwellers, and cut across all classes taneous actions soon led to The initially Peace Now, a Jewish-only
group allied to the Labour Party, sprang up in opposition to the war in Lebanon. At that time it was able • MODISI 400,000 people the streets to demandi return of the Zionist troops.
However because could not break out of the Zionist straitjacket, it has been almost paralysed by the present uprising na failed call withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories -a demand which has far more serious implications for the Israeli state than withdrawal from Lebanon. Lebanon.
Several weeks into the
Hunde demonstrations. But the slogans raised were for a 'political soluțion'
long the lines of a joint
dan over the occupied ter-
attempts activists to
committees
in Gaza Irom
Popular for the
of Palestine Democratic for the Liberation of Palestine
from SCHiL this will serious
to gain the territories
The • the fundamen-
BUNS SN
Zionists pro-
a sort of bet-
camps a. ritories, proposed by the Labour Party.
Another organisation sprang response to the Lebanes
Yesh Gvul (Enough' or "There is a Frontier is a movemen of reserve soliders which
moved further than Peace Now. Even before the uprising there was
developing Yesh Gul about refusin
tle territories.
The uprising gave a strong impetus to those opposed to serving in the occupied and helped to regenerate the
appeal. organised demonstration of several hundred people at roadblock on the border of the Israeli state and the Gaza Strip. The demonstration was in opposition to the • being committed in the occupiec territories and called
International
their efforts have been directed against thẹ Zionist troops.
. The uprising nów pose sharp •questions for the Palestinia liberation movement. The dinlo male Halecuve of the Arafat leadership have led the movement into a dead
The leftist factions themselves compromisec
the alliances with various regimes, have failed to challenge Fatah and develop an alternative bas ed on the independent interests of the oppressed masses of the region.
The PLO can go forward if rejects the
of Fatah, bases itself on the thousands of SOW drawn into struggle in the occupied territories and within the Israeli state and reorganises itself in accor
- that the struggle has
the heart of Palestine itself. soldiers not to obey the orders to beat up people
If the uprising continues protracted period with rising Zionist casualties and more information about the repres sion seeping through the Israeli censorship, we can expect this movement to grow strongly.
• For a description of
the Pot see Protein of
see International Marxist Review, spring 1987.
International Viewpoint carries regular interviews and reports from the occupied territories and
See particularly issues 133 and 134 for interviews with Israeli anti-Zionists on which these articles are based.
Both publications are available from OTHER BOOKS, PO Box 50, London N21 2XP.
Page 9 scan of this page
and the West Bank
A Palestinian 'bantustan' in the West Bank and Gaza
International
ON 18 ly, pe Arabs end to the Gaza Strip.
January, Hanna Siniora, editor of Al-Fajr, specified how Israeli and Palesținian 'national rights' might be ensured at an international peace conference.
Jordan, and a Palestinian state like that of the Benchex countries -Luxemburg'
'Palestinians, inclüding Arafat, wonld accept
Half l interim step toward independence, Siniora said. 'Autonomy is a step that would lead eventually to negotiations between the state of Israel and the PLO ending in a Palestinian state emerging as a result of those negoti iations.
An1or Secretary of State George Schultz in Washington 28 Japuary to discuss this
United States always had one core objec tive: the cradication of the tall an resistanice
In te aftermath of the recent Palestinian uprising in the West Bank and Gaza, a growing wing of the US ruling class has joined the call for the establishment of a Palestinian mini-state in the West Bank as a means toward accomplishing this objective and preventing the "destabilisation' of the entire Arab East.
George Ball, who served as under secretary of state under the Kennedy and
teaseraogis. recently spelled out how the SHTe9 BaLCoi and Israel should approach an international peace conference.
'Israel's security worries could be largely met by writing stringent, enforceable safeguards into a lornial Leaty,. new (Palestinian) state any armed force of its own and limiting the numbers and kinds of weapons available
Palestinien week
prominent Jews and
tes which called for an l occupation of the West Bank and the
In an interview with the Reuters press service on 18
Siniora called for 'an association among Israel,
with a demilitarised West Bank as the
to its police
As a further safeguard, the settlement could require installation of surveillance posts larger, numerous and more effective than those now functioning in the Sinai under Israel's agreement
Iul wy (w0s 28 Times, January
Ball explains that the establishing • fcti he openly admits would be a
Th Schoenman
Palestinian state in the West Bank' is'a-matter of urgency, 'If the United States cocs. not seriously sogcther Bal the parties
warns, the warfare in the Holyland will spread and intensify; sooner or later, the neighbouring Arab states
even Egypt dragged into the maelstrom
The "maelstrom' that this imperialist spokesperson so strongly fears is the emancipation of the Arab masses of the region from the Israeli colonial-settler state: from the feudal sheiks
the Gulf and Arabian peninsula; and trom the Egyptian regime, which has rednced the WULACO and peasants of Egypt to a level of poverty unknow even under King Farouk.
The appeal for mutual recognition and for a peace
conference set up Palestinian 'rump state" will do no service to the Palesti-
nian people.
Those who call for mutual recognition argue that there are two peoples and that each should be entitled to national nghts that is, a state The Palest nians, it is implied, shou) close the book on pre-1967 Israel statelet on the West Bank
Others who hold this position have argued on the basis of 'realism' that only by accepting the fact of the israel state can the jews Df induced to support the idea of Palestinian statehood.
These views are based
profound misunderstanding nature of the conflict and of the dangerous consequences of such advocacy
Peace is inconceivable between racist Israeli enclave .WiRie even the
*tociatis Nestinians trom-
Palestinians full membership in its kib
the Arat
peoples of the regin
In could recoğnise Israel in good faith. Some 90 per cent of the land in Israel is administered by the National Fund under rules which require that those who ease or •settle land
prove that they descend
Jewish mother,
grandmother, and greatgrandmother.
If, in the United States,
we had to prove the absence (ree euel UsIMaS I0
to enjoy elementary rights
one would doubt the
racist character of such a Slait
Not one Zionist group-
ing supports even
"separate but equal Palesti-
nian state. Even the best of
Inem insist llal istaci malu
tain its full military might
disarmed.
Labor Alignment
and Likud reject even this.
To advance the view that a
Palestinian state would be
permitted by any Zionist
government is to succumb
to what C Wright Mills called 'crackpot realism'
As to the illusion that the recognition of the state of Israel would remove a Wrdiul from quite the opposite would occur. The ionist politi cians would then be able to say that even the 'terrorists' have been forced to accept Israel
They would say that 40 years of firrational intran. Sutelcc were responsible for the conflict and that at last it is clear that the only Palestinians w nou Israel can deal are the ones who all along accepted the Israeli state.
Were South Africans to advocate an international conference predicated upon Sou reseran regime the the guarantee of its security, and the policing of a black entity by apartheid
gime itself, go one would
socia, and political en caning of such a BISi'sOl
An international conference designed to legitimise the security interests of apartheid Israel in exchange for a Palestinian
Bantustan' can never be viable except if a Palestinian leadership were to provide this plan with protective colouration.
Such án • outcome will merely hand to the PLO the unenviable task of policing the Palestinian people and
converting self-determination into another sad replica of the country. selling regimes which plague the Arab masses
from Jordan to Syria and from Egypt to the Gulf.
It was but a few years ago that no Palestinian nationalist would dare .
For herself asociae
with so blatant an effort to betray struggle for Palestinian self- ole. yeals of
determination and emancipation, let alone translate
the Palestinian cause into a Dica lor a roie l preser vile
the status quo in the region
- with its grinding poverty and relentless exploitation and subordination to US imperialist control.
The rights of the Palestinian people Vall never be adyanced in this way.
The alternative is before us in the upsurge oi the Palestinian masses. The struggle awaits a political strategy which poses the
dismantle the NCCt Zionist state of Israel and to establish a democratic and secuiar r'aicstmnc.
Such a programme was fict advanced by Aratat's Fatah organisation in 1968 - though it has since been shunted aside in favour of
'mini-state proposal, The democratic Palestine of Fatah's vision was one 'in which Jews ana raicsu. nians would live as equals and without discriminatArafat
described his proposal as follows:
We were saying "no" to the Zionist state, but we were saying "yes" to the Jewish people of Palestine.
them we wole saylll. "You are welcome to live in our land, but on one condition You must be prepared to live among us
equals, not as dominators.'
We must not advocate a peace based .on acquiescence, a peace based on a 'Bantustan' policed by Israel andits agents
We must link our demands for the release of all the political prisoners in the West Bank and Gaza and for an end to the deportations of Palestinian activists to demands which address the root of the conflict in the Middle East -that is, the very existence of the state of Israel.
Ralph Schoenman is the former general secretary of the Bertrand Russell Peace otrativi This article first appeared in the US paper Socialist Action in a longer version.
Socialist Action
rapprochment
with Israel
ON 13 May last year Vasilyev, assistant director of the Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences, wrote an article in the Moscow daily Izvestia in support of the idea of an international conference on the Middle East. Vasilyev's article is revealing:
By Ralph Schoenman
"To put an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Soviet Union favours an international peace conference ... A close examination oi our pro posals will show that they
iu CIOCE U lI rights and security sre . . lnt existence of the state of Israel cannot be debated at international conterence.
Vasilyev's support to Israel and his concern for
security the tionale the Zionist state has always used to crush the Palestinian people should come as no Surprise. The Soviet Union
along with the Unted States, •tSUIC of the first to recognise the Palestinians.
March 1988 9
Gorbachev signals
Zionist state in 1948.
is nonetheless somewhat surprising thal on 19 January this year at the moment the Israeli government imposing a policy of cot
the insurgent people of the West Bank and Gaza, the Soviet :Union nounced that an Isract delegation would welcomed in Moscow to discuss the resumption of diplomatic relations.
The bureauracy broke off time with Israel following the 1967 Middle East war. But within the last year Soviet Union established a consulate in Israel.
Moreove , according .Washington Posi (20 Janury): 'Moscon of -It: said that ties (with Israel) could be resumed in the course of a Middle an East settlement process dropping its insistence that Israel first retrea from territories occupie In 190/.
This is just one mor what Sovie examole 0i leader Mikhail GOr bachey meant when
promised Ronak
Reagan that he would help promote "regional stability' in key areas of the world.
Peres and Shamir: Left and Right united against the
Page 10 scan of this page
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Page 11 scan of this page
The Ford settlement
Education — escalate the action
In the Unions
The Ford strike was the most significant private sector dispute for many years. It has resulted in an undoubted victory -shop stewards were correct to judge that more could have been exacted from a worried Ford management if the deal had been rejected.
The wage settlement of 14 per cent over two years is likely to set the pace for wage settlements throughout private industry despite government attempts to prevent this. It is also likely to promote struggen se outone seclor where the Ford workers suçCONS • wil make. Ihatcner even hold down wages
By Mary Tripp
The final deal was ac* cepted by all Ford plants except the Dagenham assembly
Dlanli Wile el VOLCU
ficials. led by the AEU's Jimmy Airlie. who had recommended earlier support of the company's three year deal, rejected.
. rushed to claim стели от и vco wicu. left to them, would never nave WOLL •As the Guardian delicately put it: 'Mr Airlie did not say that; like the management, the
leadership had failed to understand the depth of hostility to a three year pay changes in working pracLICOS. The knock on effect of
the victory on the Land Rover dispute is obvious.
But despite the victory at Fords there is no sign of either the employers or the government panic They rightly judge
Hord's reflected the substantial incréase in profitability and productivity
much of British manufacturing industry over the last 18 months.
Ford's recently reported annual results showing record profits of $4:6 billion
contributed $1.07 billion or an increase of 93 per cent. In these circumstances, unlike Land Rover, the Ford
someray condent
centenem didn't want to pay it.
the dispute did DuEL show the increased vulnerability of Ford, and almost manufacturers, to strike ac-
Hord's increasea profitability, especially in KENNETH Bakers education reform bill poses the greatest threat to state education 1945. To defeat it the widest mobilisation of the labour movement is necessary, but this is not the course of the present NUT leadership.
By Ray Sirotkin
Lambeth NUT
Prior to the extremely succesful strike action in
London on 9 February, Neil
Fletcher, ILEA: leader,
wrote Fred Jarvis,
general secretary • 200
UT, pleading with him to
call oft the action.
although the Dagenham and Halewood
Europe, is based on new production methods, learned from Japan. These involve holding down stocks
levels, cut overheads, and cutting out aupicale sources of supply. • Both these methods can be uscu uy Japan - where the possibility of industrial action is low. However the speed with which the strike hit reveals the problems faced by: manufacturers in-
to Europe - where unions
Lowering overhead casts by cutting back on stocks, and streamlining through instituting a single
led to an immediate knock on ettect throughout rord Europe of a strike in a single country or even plant far . cry from the 1970's when Ford, as a matter of policy, had a duplicate production line in another country for every component.
The high profits, and the knock on effect, almost certainv motivated rord's parent company in Detroit to step 1n and insist on a rapid settlement. vulnerability shown to the
Ford workers confidence for future struggles. And it
certain that the vulnerability SOCI IS nol confined to Ford.
The successful stoppage . caused by the strike leaves Ford
workers in a belter position to resist the next round of the company's oftensive through flexible working.
great play of its claim thạt
Nissan plant in while the Tyne and wear produces cars at a labour cost of £315.
Polit
Halewood £500
Both the willingness of AEU and TGWU officials to accept the original company OLCA alu Airle's statements: during the dispute that they were concerned to maintain a pro-
fitable Ford's shows that no nelp can de expecica non national union officials in blocking the company's of-
This pathetic call from the leader of ILEA, who is clearly incapable of fighting the Tories, was rightly nored by the NUT leadership at that time.
A rally of over 4000 teachers heard from health workers me comino fight against the Tories, this was followed by lobbying of London Labour MPs for support to those in struggle as well as parliamentary oppostuli lo Danci.
A springboard for achon has been bult. vet in stead of accelerating this the NUT leadership has not to date sanctioned strike ac tion on 8 March, thetłay of action Called involving other ILEA trade unions
101 LICI OWil
10%
NOT A PENNY
LESST
MORE!
fensive on flexibility and job conditions.
The strike secured a victory on this in forcing Ford to negotiate local agreements with the unions on flexible working but the company clearly sees this as a problem to be overcome as rapidly as possible.
Ford is already gearing un tor the battle to come by reviewing its policy of producing components from survival.
lained by the NUT leade! shin's total opposition the leadership of the NUT in inner London. The ILTA leadership is the most leit wing leadership in the union and has led militani action in defence of London jobs, living standards and level of service provision.
Alongside this the NUT takes pride in being a 'nonaffiliated' union which is 'non-political. The union cannot avoid itself in politics, and the rea interpretation of this 'non political' status is that it has a strategy of allving. witt what it sees as 'progressive forces from all parties, in-
FICIAL
GAL
ALL OUT FOR THE FULL CY AIMI
JPPORT
THE
NOTA STRING TR FORD
• OFFICIAL
PICKET
only one soulla In Senior Ford
Europe have indicated that
some duplication of pro:
duction will probably be
reintroduced to guard
against the devastating ef-
fect of even a short term
Stoppage. But this expensiv Le will use llanc Llo aul.
pany more anxious to
crease its profitability
through a flexibility offen-
SIVe.
cluding the Liberal Party.
Ference por Paddy
Paddy
Ashdowm speaking, and
gave him a full page in The
Teacher (the
newspaper). Not surprising-
PICKET LINE BASEE: DO NOT
CROSS
Ford's was significant as
the most substantial victory
gained TO] some
against the employers of-
fensive. It will give every
section of workers more
confidence.
only make Thatcher more
there are the minimum of
knock on ettects to othel
sectors. In particular
will be determined to hold
the line in the public sector.
ly, Ashdown used the space
given to attack any notion
teachers, rather than attack-
Ing Dakel
As always with such
'popular frontist' strategies,
real possibilities of mass ac-
tion are abandonned in
oraer lo nola logenel al
alliance with the bour-
geoisic
This is why the NUT
has so far refused to call for
strike action along with
other • trade unions i on 8
March,
Only mass action, , not
an alliance with the Liberal
Party and Paddy Ashdown,
That is -should be
nrenared on a condon-wide
basis for 8 March.
Socialist Action March 1988
Profit and loss
200
0. 82
-200
-600
-800
Land
rover
strike
solid
THE strike of 6000 workers at Land Rover is facing much tougher opposition than the strike at Ford. Indeed, following the setback at Ford, the government is stepping up its efforts to force Land Rover management to stand up to the strike.
On Tuesday 23 dispute, Thatcher weig hed day two of the dispute,
with clear threat directed management — give in to
workforce and the government WIll cut financial support to the company.
Her aim is to take revenge Land _Rovel workers for the successful strike at Ford. clearly wormed by the face The employers that average earning rose by 8.5 per cent in the year to last December. A year ago the annual rate of growth was 7.5 per and the last time that earn
rent level was in 1982
At Land Rover pressure from the government is felt particularly sharply — manacement of Land Rover totally dependent on government
AB Micro
strike against
single union deal
MEMBERS of the newly formed Manufacturing, Science, Finance union and APEX at AB Micro in the Rhondda Valley, Wales, held a 24 hour strike on 23 January, against managements attempts to impose a single union agreement.
• AT beginning of February management in-
the plant that they planned to institute a single union agreement and existing
recognition was terminated
The AEU went ahead and negotiated
union agreement. Manage , ment are now walling 101
the AEU sign the
The agreement would
mean recognition would be
withdrawn from the MSF
11 ROVER GROUP PERFORMANCE
Vehicle sales
inousanos
600
300
200
84
UK Market share 85 SINCE 1982
support to maintain profitability and develop nev models.
Unlike Ford, Land Rover has been experiencing deep financial dif-
over the last fem years, with a falling share of the British market and low profit rates
But despite that, That cher's threat to withdran financial support bluff. As was made cleai when the government wa forced to back down over plans Eleo er or Land Rocer, American
British capital, and final even the government, not prepared to see Lane Rover pass intr foreign
nands - let alone clos
The company clain that their current pay offer amounts to 14 per cent UVC. two , years approx imately the level of Ford settlement. But fact, with consolidation of bonuses into the basic pay it amounts to no more than 8 per cent.
•The determination of the workforce was in dicated by the solid response to the strike call, with mass pickets assembt-
at all the company's main gates. That mination will be needed in what looks like it will be a tough fight. and APEX. New terms and CO SOLI are negotiated without the staf
The staff unions were so outraged that they ballotted for action. The vote was 89:3 in favour of action. For two weeks shop _stewards and fulltime officials of the two unions tried to persuade management wilnaraw. but to no aval so it was decided to strike lor one day. The strike wa completely solid and pro duction WaN SCYCICI • affected.
Staff unions are still hoping management will withdraw the single union agreement.
The TUC nationally has been normet and written to the AEU telling tel to lake no piccipitau action. MSF has referred
the whole matter to the TUC's disputes committee
Page 12 scan of this page
Defend abortion rights
THE 19 March demonstration against David Alton's anti-abortion bill is now jointly sponsored by the Labour Party well as the campaign and the TUC.
to be turned into through London on 19 March. The Scottish TUC and the North-west TUC have booked trains and fleets of coaches have been hired from other areas. All this transport must be filled for the day to be a success.
The January meeting of the Labour Party NEC agreed to jointly sponsor the demonstration. and Is circulating all women's
and CLPs with material about the march.
The TUC is producing its own leaflets advertising
march which can be ordered from TUC through individual unions.
Other unions,. like NUPE and NALGO, alc producing LaCH OWIl material for circulation to branches.
Registered as a newspaper with the Post Office.
Published by Cardinal Enterprises, PO Box 50, London Nu.
SociAlist
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
All out on
19 March!
NOto Alton
YESto
choice
Fight Alton's Bill
This support from the entire labour movement has
banners and people marching
Other unions, including the TGWU and the NCU have played an active role in the meetings with the TUC to plan ue maicu However local activity, contacting union branches and workplaces, sul life every Labour Party ward is covered, and that student unions are mobilising, will be necessary to turn this formal support into a mass demonstration. successful demoncentral to ine stage of fighting
SINEND O BEN E
ISIMON FO
SARAH JANE
HACKNEY, EMPI
against the Alton bill. The parliamentary committee established after the second reading to examine the bill has not yet begun to meet, though it will do so very
The membership of the committee is composed of straightforward
THE socialist press has never been able to survive solely on the income from sales, and Socialist Action is no exception. In order to meet our production costs we need to raise a definite amount over and above our regular income.
us money because they know that we depend upon their support to survive. We have recently looked into our budget for the coming year, and in order to break
CRIMES
ENSIBLE BOOTWEAR
PAULINE MELVILLE
ALOTTE CORNWALL abortionists on Alton's side, and clear pro-choice members on the other side.
On Alton's Ann Winterton MP withdrawn, to be replaced
by Nicholas Bennett MP, a member
exècutive. However, despite
up the
Many of our readers and subscribers already send
NO
TO ALTON
YES
TO CHOICE
FIGHT THE
ALTON BILL
DEMONSTRAIE
19 MARCH
Called by TAB
(Fight Alton's Bill Campaign/
TUC/Labour Party
committee it may well be amended" committee stage, by -Alton's supporters, to a 22 or 24 week limit, instead of the existing 18 weeks.
If the bill is amended in this way it will be even more difficult to ensure its defeat the third and final reading, unless minimum, all Labour MPs committed vote alc against it.
The largest possible showing on the streets on 19 March will help step up the pressure on MPs to vote in line with women's abortion rights. The rally will be addressed by representatives of the labour movement and pro-choice movement, doctors and representatives of health service workers.
While the task of FAB is to defeat the attempt 1967 Alton to amend the Abortion Act, women's abortion rights are being.
£8000 Fund drive
even on our production costs we need to raise &. over the year. We are therefore launching an $80 Publications Fund to underwrite the paper.
We hope that you
on how we are doing in meeting our targets.
fund),
No reduction in time limits
undermined every the cuts in the NHS smaller and
able to get free abortion on the NHS, ane most have to pay for abortion at privaté clinics.
Alton would do hundred times
make late abortion unnecessary by joining the
campaign for the detence of the NHS and the extension of eariv abortion tacilitie. introducing legislation by NHS clinics, than by
criminalise women and doctors.
It is indicative of the
sheer hypocrisy of the
arguments of Alton and his
supporters on the subject of
late abortion that they ar
not seen in the vanguard o
the NHS
the struggle Ior
Most of those Tory MPs
who will be supporting
Alton's bill, will also vote
allocating more
funding to the NHS, and
will organise fund-raising activities as well as simply digging into your pockets. In each issue of the paper we will bring you up to date
Send your cheques or cash to Socialist Action Fund Drive, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP. Cheques should be made payable to Socialist Action (publication
U
BODIES
R
U
CHOICE
FRONT ALONE BE
NO DEDUCTES IN ASE UNIT
would probably also vote against • having access to free abortion on the NHS at all, unless they were at death's door.
Yet it is by adequate funding for a network of outpatient abortion clinics, with a self-referral system, that late abortion can reall be reaucea. Lale abortol will always be necessary for women develop problems during pregnancy or who do not find out they are pregnant until later or but it is through safe and easy eanty abortion that such cases can be reduced to a minimum.
Late abortion is not a pleasant or easy choice for any woman, but precisely those women who need late
most desperate the most in need of abortion rights. The march on 19 March is to defend the rights of those women
← Socialist Action No. 177, 22 January 1988Socialist Action No. 179, April 1988 →