Sporting a federal arrangement. Twenty nine per cent favoured power sharing in the north and Il per cent approved of an independent Northern Ireland. Only two per cent favoured a return to majority rule in the north and four percent were for integrating the North of Ireland with Britain. The talks between the SDLP's John Hume and Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams were endorsed by 68 per cent with only 14 per cent opposed.
The disenchantment with the Anglo-Irish Agreement is mirrored in a poll conducted 15-17 February in the Six Counties for Fortnight magazine and Ulster Television. In this, 81 per cent of nationalists could detect no benefit to their community from the Agreement and only 16 per cent thought the nationalist community had benefitted from the Agreement. A massive majority of people in Ireland have lost all confidence in the Agreement.
The poll also showed that whilst the Enniskillen bombing significantly reduced support for Sinn Fein this was entirely recouped by the impact of the Stalker/Sampson report and the rejection of the appeals of the Birmingham 6.
In a chilling indictment of British rule, to the question Are there any events that would give you hope for the future here??, to quote Fortnight's report: respondents could not think of anything atall. *Remarkably, The Irish Post commented on these polls in an editorial under the title "Time to go: 'Something entirely new is needed and democracy in these islands demands that British withdrawal from the north is put on the agenda. The "Time To Go" year-long campaign, headed by MP Clare Short, and soon to be launched in Britain, is timely... presence is at least part of the problem in Northern remains the negotiating a peaceful and permanent solution.
The Labour Committee on Ireland at its AGM at the beginning of April recognised the potential for significantly broadening the withdrawal movement in this context. It endorsed the year of action tor British withdrawal culminating in a demonstration and festival in August 1989. It set the goals of winning a majority for action against employment discrimination and significantly increasing the vote for British withdrawal at this year's Labour Party Most encouragingly of all, it was attended by Tom Hart, a member of the Transport and General Workers' Union national executive, who pledged that * he and others would be working to open up the debate on Ireland in the TGWU and to seek to get the union to reverse its 1987 Labour Party conterence vote against the MacBride principles on employment discrimination in the North of Ireland.
out of three The British greatest obstacle to CLAUSE 28 becomes law at the beginning of June PETER PURTON, member of the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights National Committee, looks at the way ahead. THE campaign against the clause has as housands men been dous. of previously non-political gays nave discovered their strength. The support which has been carefully and tirelessly fought for over the years by campaigns such as the Labour Campaign for Les bian and Gay Rights, and lesbian union groups, enabled us to overturn the initially backward mentary Parliamentary Labour Party and to win unexpected public opposi Neil Kin thek to the clause from Front bench spokesperson Jack Cunningham, whose BUSI response was a disgraceful capitulation DICOLLY. policy, eas now f badly rejection committed aDOl government to repeal of the measure.
But lesbians and gay men, those local authorities which nave tried to carry out national policy cannel wait to be rescued by: future change of government and must decide now what strategy to adopt ir the weeks and months to come.
The public campaign will continue, with the mansion nation 3 propril, London Tegora marches throughout May, and Lesbian and Gay Pride in It is certain that Tory backed reactionaries will ›e already preparing thei cases against the most ac vanced Labour councils in order to put the clause to the only test which will determine the meaning, it practice, of that undefined homosexuality which 28 so very dangerous. That test is the lecision of a judge, and i is obvious that Ine nke will be unfavourable.
It is also certain that lawyers will already be ad.
councils that to abide by to quietly DC whole exercise. The Tory which originated 'positive images' in educa tion policy which prime target of clause 28 is already using the clause tu whip up hostility to the group presumably prepare the path for prosecution The first battle which needs to won, therefore, is that councils must continue to defend party policy and to b prepared to fight the issue the whole way through the courts. The list of Labour authorities adopting this olicy in principle cor inues to grow. But it wil be necessary to maintain pressure to keel hem to it in practice The continuing fight for the understanding and support of the movement, especially the town hall and teaching trade unions is the secon critical strand strategy. There is no doubt that teachers and other workers will be victimised under this law by less pro gressive councils. A willingness to fight against such attacks, in the way in which a Bradford teacher has areddy had to be defended by threat of strike will be vital to making the law as un workable as possible The Stop the Claus campaigns must continue to mobilise the widest forces against this law and opposition to the vicious wave of reaction which spawned it, and wil be fanned by it. To do sc alliances already built, as with the FAB campaign need to be continued an strengthened labour movement, broad and committed support has to be won cess has started with the unprecedented debate and vote at the NUT con ference, and will be con tinued through OLHe union conferences during the Summer. LCLGR is organising a high level campaign for the annual aimed at maintaining the YR issue of equal rights for lesbians and gay men on the political agenda and hardening existing support.
Clause 28 as law marks a new level of attack on lesbian and gay rights unprecedented in this coun try in the twentieth cenI of reaction in which the Tories are revelling But its impact is seen anc •understood broad forces to extend much further than its initial target. It is by mobilising this sup mer mitigating conse quences and preparing for ITs occal Peter Purton writes in a personal capacity
Socialist Action • ing a policy of support for Black Sections - give new openings. Furthermore the party leadership's tactic of creating the BAAC has not worked, the attack Sharon Atkin is likely to result in another embarrassment for the party leadership, and the tactic of trying to get the black MPs to launch a frontal assault on the black section has not succeeded. Faced with an impasse the party leadership turned from direct assault to an outflanking and splitting tactic.
'Affiliation' This nanocuvic wa. started by Paul Sharma in an article in Tribune after party conference. He advocated the 'affiliation' op tion and couched it in such a provocative attack on the Black Section that it had the clear aim of getting its leadership to reject the proposal. The aim was that the Black Section would reject any proposar on allanor and a tame body could be establisnea by ine party leadership to try to split the Black Section and remove would mean the leadership making a real, even if inadequate, concession to the fight, against racism and black-oppres sion. This, naturally thei have no intention of doin if they can avoid it.
A second round of manoeuvering has therefore started with the reaffirma tion by Kinnock that any black organisation must be open to white people. The racism inherent in this proposal is astonishing — ever the present party leadership does not dare to suggest, for example, that men should be able to join the women's section of the party. Ever the most right wing black Labour MP, Paul Boateng. has not been able to endorse this proposal.
The party leadership is therefore in a quandary. If it proposes black organisation which white people can join' option it will have another BAAC fiasco on its hands. But ac cepting the principle of black self-organisation means taking Certall limited step forward in the The response of the
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and the first attempts to use it against Labour local authorities can be expected immediately after that.
borosition in tHaringen, aledingey,
[LESBIAN Demonstration in Manchester against Clause 28