SALT II who argued that its proposals conferred 'guaranteed superiority' to the Soviets. Together they take their lead from Reagan's man in the Pentagon, the assistant secretary of defence Richard Perle, a keen advocate of the Reagan arms build up, who also opposed the SALT treaties.
The American purpose in Geneva is to produce a treaty which embodies US nuclear superiority. Exploiting its technological lead and stronger economic base it is proposing either a massive reduction in existing Soviet missiles or unilateral measures by the US which it will take the Soviets vears to match and at great cost to other areas of its In the INF talks, which started in November 1981, this takes the form of counterposing existing Soviet SS20s to the planned deployment of Cruise and Pershing II. Interim measures offer to limit deployment to the extent that the USSR agrees to dismantle. Moreover, in the context of insisting on supposed parity in the European 'theatre' Reagan and his allies categorically refuse to include the French and British 'independent' forces in any discussions.
In two years of negotiations the Soviets have never even conceded the principle of equating the two systems. Consequently when Cruise is deployed the iNF talks as presently constituted are doomed to collapse.
In the START negotiations, begun in July 1982, the approach is Soviet negotiator Kvitsinsky similar. The American proposals concentrate on apreeing cellings on land-based ballistic forces which (surprise! surprise!) covers about force. It only effects about 25% of (bombers or air launched cruise missiles) or sea based. Charades Geneva talks be? One possibility is that the INF and START talks will be merged. This will prevent the public collapse of the INF negotiafor permitted the limited invo ve. ment of Reagans allies. All good ed at derailing the European disarwith which last years committed unilateralists at Labour Party conference were able to dodge the issue of Polaris by suggesting that it should be put on the table at Geneva.
wil how hot and cold at the same time. Fresh proposals displaying 'flexibility' while events in Central America or ed to justify nuclear rearmament.
such charades. 70% of the USSR's strategic missile the US's, however, since the majority of their missiles are air breathing What then will the fate of the tions and might provide some scope stuff in allaying European fears and an endless source for initiatives aimmament movement. Witness the ease Meanwhile American imperialism will be made at Geneva the downing of flight 007 will be usBilateral negotiations like those in Geneva merely mask the reality of imperialism's war drive. That is why socialists should lend no authority to 'Nuclear Disarmament and the Labour Party by Tony Southall (published by IF MARX said that repeats itself the first time tragedy, the second time as farce, then in the 20th century it's often repeated itself the first tragedy, and the second time as even bigger Southall has done an excellent job in this little pamphlet in explaining defeated in the Labour Party in the eary 1960s, unilateralist edge of policies was blunted at the 1983 general election.
By implication he shows exactly how the Kinnock leadership of the Party could begin to ditch unilateral disarmament, despite its overwhelming re-endorsement at the last Labour Tony starts out by explaining the role of Labour in government - and a sorry story it it is too. 1945-51 foreign secretary, Bevin supported the United States all the war in stoking up the cold war. Britain supported the US during the Korean war, to the extent of sending troops, and happily allowed Britain to become the forward base 'United States' nuclear arsenal.
In 1960 the Labour Party conference voted for unilateral nuclear disarmament. Immediately the right wing started a campaign against it Campaign Socialism history Unilateral disarmament was defeated at the 1961 Labour Conference on the as basis of a compromise worked out by Harold Wilson and Walter Padley of USDAW. time as Tony Reviewed by Phil Hearse was The parallels with proposals being put forward today in the the Labour Party are uncanny.
compromise amounted port for a 'Central European nuclea rejection of an independant deterrent.
two things open - the use of Britain by US nuclear bases and the existence of 'non-independent' this compromise Ernest governmen Wilson elected in 1964 did precisely nothing about disarmament, and shed not one item of Britain's nuclear • arsenal.
for the pened to Labour's programme at the last election, was fudged by Foot and Healey is parDemocratic (secretary Bill Rodgers). some of the The 1 a. n( first use decaration by NATO 2) supfree zone' (the 'Rapacki plan') and 3 Nucle.
Of course this compromise left British-American deterrent. On the basis of which • gutted unilateralism of its real content, the their of Harold this Tony's discussion of what hap.
and how unilateralism Socialist Action 21 October 1983 NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT & THE LABOUR ticularly useful, as are his remarks o a campaigning strategy which ca Labou against cruise and Trident - and fo consistent unilateral nuclear disarma The pamphlet is a must for al CND activists interested in fightin alongside the labour movement an for the whole of Labour's unilater alist left wing.
Moreover anyone worried abou the course of the CND leadership slogans to third place, should rea relegation pamphlet. fight th multilateralists it is necessary to know who your real friends are!
Scottish Labour Sauciehall St., Glasgow G2, enclosing 50, plus 16p postage and packing.
Socialist Action 21 October 1983