terview socialism: Ann Pettifor secretary of the Labour Women's AcCommittee which has fighting for constitutiona! change to give women power in the Labour Parly.
THE Labour Party, munist Party and Trotskyist parties are men's parties; the labour movement is a men's movement. These parties, indeed movement as a whole, achieved their political and industrial power by means 'masculinist' dustrial strategies: ihe strategies of division.
'Masculinist' strategies of division re-division have responsible for the gradual extension 2310 i consoldation labour movement's political and industrial power; labour's willingness to conform capital's demand for the endless subdivision of our class on the basis ot gender, skill, race, pay and time spent in paid work. Most dangerous of all labour has been willing capital's demand for a division between those in paid employment, and those that are not.
Let me hastily correct any impression that i am referring here only to the industrial strategies of the labour strategies of division and re-division (which of course have advanced the male workers considerably) are informed by the 'masculinist political strategies of the parties above.
Ironic then, that these same male political parties and strategists should be intiating a debate about Labour's Alliance for Socialism'. And in doing so begin the debate by making overto those they define as the 'dispossessed' fortunate groups who are not part of the men's movement. Black Women and blacks view all this talk (and writing) with deep suspicion. They rightly see that white men as ever, more concerned witn alliance for been the Comthe have of inbeen largely based on to to accept industrial mentioned benevolently - the unconesion. willel.
break unemployed, BOSC talking about dalliances not alliances That they remain entrenched within their divisive politics; and that what is not on offer is the genuine consolidation of our class — on the basis of the unified interests of the black and white men and women within it.
But then what more could one (a woman) expect of a dominant alliance whose immediate and particular in terests would be severely undermined if they were to be subsumed beneath the interests of the whole working class? I suppose one could expect these mak heroes to understand that there are more valuable, long-term interests for the class as a whole, if we had at last an end to the politics of division and embarked instead on the politics of Strategy Political strategies which would begin to genuinely empower the ma. jority of our class — instead of enfor. cing upon it vertical stratification by gender, skill, race, time and pay Political strategies which would not women and blacks at аги. length, but which would include them in the mainstream of our parties, our movement, the organised forums of our class. Not just as 'the affiliated immense power capital. Political strategies which would and here comes the crunch — disband the dominant alliance of men, and replace it with an alliance less narrow. but which empowered the majority Such an alliance would begin to down the divisions which elevate the employed, skilled, highpaid, full-time workers (mostly men)
divide them unpaid, downgraded (mostly women) would lead to the development of unified class consciousness that could most formidable threat to capital. More importantly it is the on strategy for WiLl radically divisive tacties of Margare Thatcher's government.
Sadly, the prospects of such ? ge