BEFORE THE bomb went off last week at Brighton clear signs of nervousness were showing up in the British political establishment.
The media headlines statements by the Bishop of Durham and the Archishop of Canterbury.
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Two fears have always haunted British capitalism's support HEDI Thatcher government. The first and by far the most serious, is that the governmens ooic e wouu Icau to a major breakdown in DonC Oracl• When unemployment after 1979 pedal lo suar Heath made the accusation against Thatcher that ner policies would leau lo workers occupying their factories to save jobs.
Undoubtedly the worst
moment in the entire life of the government was in 1981 when the riots shook raren has a government looked Whitelaw appeared on the television in the middle of the Brixton riot.
The signs violent hostility the police, and the clashes will wel, 1 tue miners' strike has genuinely worried of the melucs establishment.
Looked at from a long term point of view there is whether CUCCII worth shutting quite many pits if it would genuinely lead to increasing opposition by major secuons or tue working Clas to the law, the police, and key OENOT SIOULEtions of the British state. "there is also concern that prolonged mass unemployment would lead to mass disaffection conventional Parliamentary politics.
This political concern regarding Thatcher's policies links up with an were grabbed by the But suitably coded economic critique however.
The five vears of the Thatcher government have been a very good time indeed for certain specific groups within the ruling - in particular for the most powerful groups of British capitalism.
British DanKlY
finance has undergone a huge boom. The overseas earnings or brusi Dank: alone increased ninefold £224 £1,842 million, in the five years from 1979 to 1983.
huge outflow of capital from the country has also taken place with the overseas assets of the British private sector tripling between 1979 and 1983 from £50,000 million to £153,000 million.
such Other specific as the producers of SeCON North Sea gas and British farmers, have also benefitted greatly from the Thatcher years. Taken together all these groups make up the powerl bloc with British capital.
But in order to keep the entire capitalist happy thatcher had produce economic growth within Britain itself. Those firms in sectors such as manufacturing, with their production base primarily in Britain. can for a certain period improve their proitability simply by cutBut over longer term ste teen to lucrease oulput as well.
It is here that the Thatcher government demonstrably deliver the goods. that bomb worst received speech of the entire Tory Party conference was that Chancellor of the Exchequer Lawson- - w10 8c to gain even the most ritual ISOtRr standllg ovations.
British manufacturing output is now completely stagnant even leaving out of account the effects the miners' Economic growth last year Output was three per cent, this year is scheduled for two per cent, and is projected, without confidence, to inUCC I again next year. But this is scarcely enough to make up for the huge fall in output that occured between 1979 and 1981. the Thatcher government has been less than one per cent a year = the lowest recorded economic growth, outside war its effects, in the 20th cenAny idea that Thatcher's policies could, by themselves, get the moving again are disappearing What is therefore being increasingly floated in rulcircles elements of short term alternative economic policies to These would naturally maintain in " place iva tise measures 'privatisation', laws against unions and so on passed by Thatcher, depend upon defeat of the miners, but would involve some substantial public inVOUCHL Photo: GM COOKSON Prior, Pym, Disraeli and puppets
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messages were also being put out by Peter Walker and other sections of the Tory Party. JOHN ROSS looks at why the ruling class 'wets' decided to speak
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