NEIL KINNOCK'S scabbing role on the NUM strike this week drives home one of the most fundamental lessons of the class struggle. The created to fight against the bourgeoisie -but the role of its leadership today is not one of pursuing that struggle but of breaking up and disorganising it.
Kinnock was elected with the vast good will of the overwhelming majority of the working class aitivists. To certainly had do power a tiny minority and certainly 'disrupt party unity' even if they had wanted to. Any 'disruption' which has now occurred is pure ly and exclusively the work of one N. Kinnock.
"Party unity' has been broken up simply and solely because Kinnock has refused to support those engaged in a serious fight with the Thatgovernment. creasingly tional bloc with the right wing on every issue from Liverpool, through In short regardless of whether anyone on the left wanted it or not, and regardless of whether they expected it or not, the left now is faced with a clear and long fight. government it is simultaneously going to have to fight a long and bitter battle Therefore struggle today!
At one level there is a real step forward. The left of the party has both acknowledged leaders who have proved they can gain popular support and it has at least rudimentary organisation in a number of areas.
Tony Benn has been the left's traditional candidate for party leader tinue to be so for this Parliament. But after that Ken Livingstone, one of the most popular politicians in Britain, is an obvious alternative candidate of the left for leader if one require. Just let Kinnock's supporters claim that Ken Livingstone would 'only appeal to a narrow circle of party activists!
There also exists authoritative organisation in a number OT fields organisation in others.
Committee is building an impregnable position as the leadership of the fight for women's self-organisation within the party. The black section adds an entire new dimension to Labour Party left politics. Out of the fight on local government at least some rudimentary organisation can be expected to arise.
The big weakness is still organisation in the constituency parties unions. In the CLPs Briefing has by far the best potential. In the trade unions the situation is still weak however - which is no accident because an across the board organisation of the left inside the unions would begin to crack Kinnock's base wide open.
Across the board organisation of the left in the whole party has only really been temporarily achieved once around the Mobilising Committee in Tony Benn's campaign for Deputy Leader. A more informal type of unity has existed powerfully The process of organising this left is not going to be achieved in a short period. But the elements are there. It requires two key steps.
The first step forward is that co-ordination by the existing left must be fronts on particular questions, volving currents such as WAC, the black section, Briefing and other currents are what is required.
An immediate goal must be a conference of the entire left.
Secondly there is the question of how the NUM itself is going to settle accounts in the labour movement.
drawn a line on who is for, and who is against, the class struggle and the miners strike.
NUM needs to break with its tradition of running 'parallel' with the developments in the Labour Party to instead turn into the party to help deal with those who opposed it and supported it. Out of these developments can organisation of the entire left inside the party.
Neil Kinnock has chosen war labour movement. The task for the left is to ensure that it is not just one side that is prepared for it.
movement was Furthermore Kinnock is inopenly in a political and organisa reselection, to the To get at the Thatcher against Kinnock. where does the left stand in that — and will probably conand rudimentary The the Rank and File around the miners'