Socialist Action No. 83, 21 December 1984
The scan: 083-dec-21-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
ACTION SociAlist
NO COAL MUST MOVE
quivocable policy
would win the strike. cessions on the NUM. tack on the miners.
switt response from cher on Monday: end to this strike while the
moved an inch.'
IN SEPTEMBER the Congress of the TUC voted a clear and une-
of 'total support for the NUM. Following that the TUC voted an explicit policy of non-use of coal and coal substitutes that if implemented
What is completely clear today is that the general council is refusing to im-
worse sure plement these decisions. Instead it is implementing a completely dif- port they ferent policy of refusing to campaign for that 'total support' and after instead attempting to impose con-
This policy is even more criminal in that the government is now openly trying to break the NUM. It is en- The couraging, and helping to organise, the breakaway moves in Nottinghamshire. It has organised every legal at- for 38
Even if the TUC's craven plea to reopen negotiations with the NUM met a
Margaret members "There will be : no NUM sticks to its proud boast that it has not
Implement
TUC congress
decisions!
In other words the reality is that the Tories are going for total defeat of the NUM. If that happens, the whole trade union movement will face the most ferocious assault on its rights for a century. No trade unionist will be able to stand aside from the conse-
What makes this situation still
STAK contrast to the leadership of the NUM and the sup-
have. There are 140,000 miners and their families still on strike
months, thousands of women who have mobilised with the women's support groups, NUR and ASLEF members who have stepped • WItn coal movement for 38 weeks.
potential for action was shown by the rail workers at Coalville who responded to the first scab train
weeks with strike action.
Thousands of power station workers are still refusing to handle scab coal Hundreds of thousands of rank and file trade union and Labour Party
continue to raise money, food, and support for the miners.
The miners will continue to fight simple in 1985. They are as determined now COAL as they were in March.
6E122573
Photo: JOHN HARRIS
The government will face growing difficulties in the power stations which is why for the first time they are now beginning to try to move coal from striking pits and to try to break the rail blockade of coal Activists across the movement will be equally determined to secure victory for the miners. This is the mood and reality that must be counterposed to the general council
The general council must either carry out the mandate of Congress or it must be openly shown that the general council refuses to implement Congress decisions The NUM does not need TUC initiatives like the talks
Walker. It can negotiate for itself. It needs not urgings but directives to all unions on how to implement Congress policy.
In every union members should campaign to call their leaders to account for their actions on the general council. If the TUC refuses to implement Congress decisions, as it is doing, then TUC Congress must itself be recalled.
The message for the new year to the trade union movement must
NO MOVEMENT OF DELIVER TUC CON.
GRESS POLICY.
Page 2 scan of this page
Time to mobilise
2
AcTiON
Kinnock or
Lenin?
NEIL KINNOCK'S excuse for Marxists from the Labour Party is that they do not defend democracy. could scarcely be on a weaker political terrain.
So much so in fact that rather than running our usual editorial we thought it useful to turn it over to Lenin who rather comprehensively dealt with everything Neil Kinnock has to say on the subject — as anyone who has ever read State and Revolution will realise.
The passage is from Lenin's The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrat' being sense to the one it has today. We think it should also be taken to heart by those of Marxism Today who believe that the way to defend, and extend, democracy is in alliance with the bourgeoisie rather than in a struggle against it.
'THE PROLETARIAT alone can be the vanguard fighter for political liberty and for democratic institutions. because political tyranny bears most heavily upon the proletariat.
Secondly, the proletariat alone is capable of bringing about the complete democratisation of the political and social system, since this would place the system in the hands of the workers.
That is why the merging of the democratic activities of the working class with the democratic aspirations of other classes and groups would weaken the democratic movement, would weaken the political struggle, would make it less determined, less consistent, more likely to compromise.
On the other nand. if the workine class stands out as the vanguard fighter for democratic institutions, this will strengthen the democratic movement, will strengthen the struggle for political liberty, because the working class will spur on all the other democratic and demand. will push political radicals, will push the radicals towards an irrevocable rupture with the whole of the political and social structure of present society. that all socialists in Russia should become Marxists. We now add: all democrats in Russia should become marxists.
We will illustrate what we mean by quoting the following example. bureaucracy, as representing a special category of persons who specialise in the work of administration and occupy a privileged position as compared with the people. We everywhere, from autocratic and semi-asiatic Russia to cultured, free and civilised England, as an essential organ of bourgeois society. The complete lack of rights of the people in relation to government officials and the complete absence of control over the privileged bureaucracy correspond to the backwardness of Russia and to its absolutism.
In England, powerful popular control is exercised over the administration, but even there that control is far from bureaucracy retains not a fèw of its privileges, and not infrequently is the master and not the servant of the people.
Even in England we see that powerful social groups support the bureaucracy and hinder the complete democratisation of that institution. Why? Because it is in the interests of the proletariat alone to democratise it completely; the bourgeoisie defend certain bureaucracy and are opposed to the election of all officials, electoral qualifications, ficials directly responsible to the people, because linese rata resise that the preter till
take advantage or such compiele democrausanon in order to use it against the bourgeoisie.
This is the case in Russia too. Many and most diverse strata of the Russian people are opposed to the omnipotent, irresponsible, corrupt, savage, ignorant and parasitic Russian bureaucracy. But except for the would agree to the complete democratisation of the bureaucracy, because (bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, the 'intelligentsia' in general have some ties with the bureaucracy, because all these strata are kith and kin of the Russian bureaucracy.'
Socialist Action 21 December 1984
expelling
Neil Kinnock Democrats 'Social used in a very different Firstly, this is political opposition the liberals towards the
We said
true and consistent
Take the civil service, the
see this institution complete, even there the
privileged position of the
most progressive strata of the
perogatives of the
opposed to the complete abolition of
opposed to making ofproletariat, not one of these strata
all these strata
against court-
charge the union. The NUM needed finance, facilities, CLC.I
from the The
however.
WOle bring wiln ine law
At
the TUC
with were meeting Walker which was
No it was
to do.
'more attitude
mean pit closures.
celver which
As
which agreed
January. general
Congress David
in all these stations has
his Purely
get action.
A PiESE THE
Isn't it wonder. ful?! Mr. Kinnock is visiting Ireland! I'm sure he'll want to hear everyone's viewpoint...
and Peter predictably nd that the Scargill in particular, should give a 'uneconomic' pits before
o intention of making any The meeting was designed policy of refusing to give while the general council orts to getting the NUM to CB's case. where 50,000 tonnes of scab coal a day are being moved in, the workforce is split. Two shifts are hand!ing the coal, two are not. This situation 'could very easily be turned round by the TUC. It would simply be a matter of the general council appealing directly Yorkers to back the deci station sions of Congress.
By Pat Hickey
Instead of steps to implement Congress policy the actions of the general council aid the Tories, and encourage them to deeper process which led to the inell attacks. The Dhoto• PAUL MATTSSON appointment of a receiver to control the funds of the NUM was directly master-
Tories. They never have proceeded far had they not relied the general council to Riven by need does renege the
Congress
The result of this failure to act by the TUC is that the employers are pil ing on pressure against LIUSC LIUSC sections that are taking solidarity action with the miners.
The British Rail Board is once again attempting to break the solidarity of the Coalville NUR members, and move coal from Bedworth Colliery. At Bold in Lancashire lave have been moving coal from the pithead to Meaford power station in Stoke-on-Trent.
Norman Willis claims to be within Congress policy 'total support
Arthur commented on Friday last, 'Instead of trying to talk to people like Walker the TUC should
implementing their policy of industrial support for the miners in the dustries and power steel in-
The TUC leaders, however, have a different project. They are hoping to break the NUM's deter-
ASTIN
And as a lifelong member of the h Trace Union Movement I am sure that my views will be of great interest!,
M A BICPART
isolation to scared find isolating Scargill presenting him as the main obstacle to a 'reasonable settlement'. As reasonable, presumably he ASLEF and NGA set tlements SO brilliantly negotiated by the TUC.
The right wing is now quite the o take greate control of strikes, and to lay down stringent conditions for any support it gives Alistair Graham stated in a major Guardian article on Friday that the TUC should not have sup. The union had agreed to
union had agreed to abide by TUC guidelines on picketing, and ment had been reached on what could be 'realistically achieved'. The TUC has to ensure, he argued, 'that the trade union movement is not : hijacked into support for a dispute as it has been on this occasion.'
The TUC Conference was far from hijacked. It gave overwhelming support to the miners. Nor is
0000
THIS STIKE
the trade union movement isolated because valause of the miners' strike. The recent opinion poll in the sunda Times showed that 31 pe 85 cent of the public suppor he miners against 44 per cent who oppose them.
This figure could very easi ly be turned round if union leaders like Graham ceased to attack 'tremendous violence committed in the name of trade unionism' and denounced the police invasions of the Yorkshire pit villages of Armthorpe Fitzwilliam Hemsworth and Grimethorpe.
jacking the trade union movement. Congress gave a clear mandate to support te innels and to prevent the use of scab coal and oil. It is this policy which must be enforced by the TUC The latest issue of The Miner stated the case very clearly: "The legal moves against today are tomorrow's cutting edge
Sorry! He won't h meet anyone who won't
condemn violence!
He wouldn't meet Thatcher?? Reagan?
A chief constable?
News
against the whole trade union and labour movement ... It is time for the whole trade union and labour movement to wake up and respond with maximum effort. There can be no bystanders any longer.
The prospects for Tory victory in this strike, as in so many before, rest
the leaders flouting the will of the whole movement. They must be called to account. As The Miner put it, it is 'Time to Mobilise'.
The new year start with a renewed cam paign to build a national solidarity demonstration
mobilise the whole movement behind the NUM and campaign of picketing at the power stations to secure support for Congress policy. A naference solida be called by tional solidarity the NUM and a campaign for a recall TUC to defend and implement Congress policy Should be supportediners
12:84
Those people use vidlence.... but they condemn it!!
Excuse me while I condemn this brick which I am about to
throw at you!
Page 3 scan of this page
Kinnock's electoral failure
for Labour to win at the next election. It is the twen• ty fifth safest Tory seat in the country. But never-
Party stands today in electoral terms.
After realitora is revival, the reality that Labour's present level
t suppor quite in-
doco winning LN er next general election. The fory vote continues to er. rode even from the low level of 42 per cent it gained at the last election, but that vote not automatically moving to Labour.
If we take last month's local government elections Labour actually trailed third behind either the Tories the Alliance. Labour's standing in the opinion polls is now down to 30-35 per cent. Labour has lost its deposit in three VIL U LIC HaNU SevcH Dvelections. At Southgate the Alliance vote shot up dramatically to 35 per cent while Labour's vote collapsed from an already low
I per cent down to 12 per cent. Pattern
A very clear pattern is in fact emerging in all the election results ralner tne patern which already existed at the last ciechon is oeing connrmca still more strongly.
Labour is holding its vote, and recovering seriously from the disaster Ones ne HOT.B. Labour is holding its position also in the core of the big cities — and doing betTer ma otdor due to the massive campaign to save the GLC.
But outside these core areas Labour's vote is not recovering. anything n ke une sere needeo to wl! an election. The Alliance has consolidated itself further sunce Jule 1983. LAST THURSDAY'S front page of the Daily Mirror has very big implications indeed for the future of the labour movement. Its subject was the Southgate by-election. It contained no less than 13 reasons
DAILI
Mirror
FORWARO WITH BRITAIN
Mirror Comment
The Southgate Decision
Bucks Fiz
Jay back in hospita
SOUTHGATE is not exactly a constituency it is vital
theless the result of the Southgate election, together with the recent local government results, and the opinion polls, shows very clearly where the Labour
Regular as clockwork the
Alliance is nOW gaining.
30-35 per cent of the vote in every by-election which comes along. In certain areas of the countrv it is the Conservative vote which disintegrating towards the Alliance.
By John Ross
The movement of Bri-
tain towards a three party
Dyoucill with Labour
fighting the Alliance in the
north and the cities, and
the Torie fighting the
Alliance in the south and
countrvside contunues
to steadily develop. Con-
trary to the expectations of
much of the Marxist and
Labour left in Britain the
Alliance is not disappear-
ing. consolidating
itself as a permanent and
structural feature of
British politics. Southgate
was just another confirma-
tion of that - although by
now such confirmations
are really superfluous.
And where does all this leave Neil Kinnock and his project for Labour? The current myth being pedaled in the press is that Laboul s popularity
substantially fallen Decaise the munes strike - and the conclusion urged is that Labour must turn sharply to the right. Hence the great rash
of articles in the Guardian, New Statesman, Observer
Stun and the eimen the
ana ine Times demanding from Labour witch hunts, incomes policies, condemnation of
Scargill, greater distancing oi the Labour Party from the trade unions, more conocmnauor. of the miners etc. A strong right
Maxwell makes his choice
why you should not vote for the Conservative Party in that election.
The only thing that was carefully avoided through: out the two-page editorial articles was who you should vote for.
Don't imagine that this
Kinnock gets that lonely feeling
will supposedly rebuild Labour's popularitv. Alistair Graham urged a similar line for the trade utu Jl dlla ul dllc l Friday's Guardian.
Unfortunately for these arguments none oi them will fit the facts. Neither will the policy conclusions which flow from
During the early part OTI the mhe" strike, before Kinnock started aenvering VICOUS diatribes against 'miners violence', Labour's popularity held up. It was after Kinnock started openly attack the strike, that Labour's popularity began fall. This scarcely surprising because was 'a slip' from a paper published by Robert Maxwell which formally claims
support the Labour Party.
The Daily Mirror sells well over three million copies a day. It is perfectly well aware that it is the most powerful press voice nominally supporting
Stabo to maas : polithat
staff to match. that newspaper did mention you should vote labour it was because it did not want to.
If the Mirror said you should against the
VOLe Tories, but did not specify whether you should vote for Labour or the Alliance, that was exactly the message it wanted to get across.
The labour movement should not imagine that those who want an alliance between Labour and the SDP/Liberals few
professors in Marxism
loaay. Ihe en tire right wing section of
if, according to Kinnock's logic, the Labour Party is based on movement whose activists are 'creating. violence why support it? Rehearsal
As for the incomes policy and witch hunts the record is only too obvious. No British government, or party, pledged to incomes policy has ever elected or re-elected.
18CUlCs policy the single HUSU electorally disastrous
poncy In post war British history. And as for witch hunts is it really necessary to rehearse the the trade union bureaucracy Duffysine the Ham-
and Lairds are real forces supporting such a policy fairly openly.
Robert Maxwell is among their political number. If anyone doubted it before all they needed to read was thai Mirror front page.
Of course between the here ano-nov final destination we will be urealeu lo a gical ucal Ul sanctimonious rubbish.
The Mirror will explain how "for the good of the Labour Party the miners must be defeated. How 'for the good of the Labour Party' socialists must be expelled. How 'for the good of tne Labour Party' anti-trade unions laws must be accepted.
tion, doubtless, we will get al appcal lo vote Labour, Then, after the election,
TTEP BRIT
story of Bermondsy?
The reality is that it is Neil Kinnock's policies which stand as the obstacle
Labour rebuilding electoral support, and winning the next election.
June 1983 was not a freak.
was a product of definite relation of class forces move to
Labour victory quires moving that class relation of forcěs in favour of the working class - the last time Labour won an election, 1974, it was because of a miners strike that shattered the Heath government.
But Kinnock is precisely setting Labour's leaderHammond, Duffy, Maxwell: partners in crime
'regretfully' the Mirror will carry its editorial starting: 'We have always call.
We did at the last election.
Socialist Action 21 December 1984 ship against every struggle that could shift the rela DO OT TOKeS ao O the working class. This is
the drauual col miners strike where if
Thatcher lost the strike her
government would be
broken backed But instead of helping take the strike to victory Kinnock has attacked and obstructed it. Success
A similar development is already taking place
Ihe big success storv Labour in electoral terms is the popularity of the left But now we must be realistic. Labour cannot win an election and it is
unite all antiurrcll Thatcher forces...?
wing local councils such as London, Sheffield and Liverpool. These are nos threatened with laws that
their wolld ability to completely defend bIca, jobs, services and thel local communities. John Cunnigham. backed Kinnock, has made it clear the parliamentary leadership will oppose Labour Council breaking ine law despite the op posite position being passea oy Labour rarty conference.
In short at each point Kinnock attempts to block any struggle which would shift the relation of forces in favour of the working class. If he succeeds in that there is no possibility o SLaDOll winnlng une nex election. For Labour to be victorious its supporters have to break with the line of Kinnock : and shift the relation of forces in favour of the working class. Photo: JOHN HARPIS win uthe has the chance to despite the presenc line or next
leadership not because of it.
Finally who will gain ; from Kinnock's policy? Ironically it won't even be his supporters those who are trying to recreate нр. ne pope who hl a Labour government gain those who ali d even to Kinnock's right -the new realist wing of the TUC and the coalitionists within the Labour Party and trade union bureaucracy.
Neil Kinnock's political project is to avoid
coalition by moving Labour to the right. His actual role in the class struggle is to open the way for a coalition by defeating
Labour left, and permitting Thatcher to impose major defeats on the working class.
The bitter fruits of that can be seen not only in the miners strike but in Labour's election results.
Photo: IOHN CHAPMAN
But where Robert Maxwell, the Daily Mirror, are really going was made unambiguously clear last week.
Page 4 scan of this page
Scab threat to NUM
the miners union by the
attempt to change Rule 30, which states that 'in all
National Union shall apply and in all cases of doubt or dispute the matter shall be decided by the National Executive Committee of the National Union ...
The rule change sought by the Notts scabs would effectively take the Notts area outside the national
The Notts area would be independant of the NUM and would become, in effect, separate union with the scabs who have lead the efforts to break the strike, in
This SLeD calculated effort to break up the NUM. The people behind working miners
old
OVER THE LAST two weeks the National Coal Board have been moving pit head coal from Bold colliery to a power station near Stoke.
AES 'exercise' designed to test the
of Lancashire coalfields to the
of pit head coal.
The coal is good quality coal for domestic usage and the NUM originally thought it was being moyed for concessionary users.
The TGWU Region No 4 fall-time coordinators, working conjunction with the NUM traced it to Stoke power station.
Bold is a militant pit which has been solid since day one of the strike. Unfortunately the attack, coming so near to Xmas, has been difficult to counter.
The Lancashire picket numbering 100-150 has been unable to prevent the movement of up to 40 lor-
FOURTEEN hundred people attended the Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners' 'Pits and Perverts' ball which raised over €5,000 for South Wales and Yorkshire mining communities on Monday 10 December.
and (insert) Dave Donovan (Dulais NUM) who declared: 'You have worn our badge,
Spin your badge on us, we will support you.
miners know there are other causes and problems.
• Contact for LGSM, c/o 39, London W9 2AH (phone 01-444 5442).
Islington Miners Support Committee
March and Rally
Victory to the Miners!
Stop the Police State!
Assemble 12.30 Saturday 19 January 1985 at Islington Town Hall Upper St N1.
Speakers: Tony Benn, Jeremy Corbyn, South Wales NUM
Join the campaign. Support committee meets every Thursday 7.30 Co-op Hall, 129, Seven Sisters Road.
Socialist Action 21 December 1984 THE MOVES by leading scabs in the Notts NUM to make the Notts union independent of the national union represent a major escalation of the attack on
Tory and big-business backers of the 'Working Miners Committees'. The
matters in which the Rules of this Union and those of the National Union shall conflict, the Rules of the
committees have decided that Notts is the area to start that process.
by Pat Hickey The scab committees have been aided by donaions from big business, bi Fleet Street, and by sym pathetic solicitors. In addition, Thatcher aides such Tim Bell and David Hart have been closely in-
al
Tries a day. Uver the last fortnight the pickets have grown JWI unionists and Labour Parmembers joining picket lines.
By Dick Withecombe
The period immediate. ly after Xmas is going to be the most difficult for the waole strike. raising has focussed the activity of most miners up until now.
After Xmas most of the miners will be wanting to see a step forward in in-
stabbing of innock and
stabbing Kinnock and on TUC policy couldn't have come at a
Countering these difficuities number one priority of Pictured is Jimi Somerville of Bronski Beat
you know what harassement means, as we do. Now we will
It won't change overnight but now 140,000
We will never be the same.
Chippenham Rd,
Photo: CAPITAL GAY
Bell is director of
Saatchi and Saatchi. Hart
has been dispensing money
to working miners'
mittees since August. He
worked closely. with
MacGregor. He
propert
developer The Workin
Miners Committee
worked closely with these
people throughout the
dispute. The government
and the NCB have avoided
becoming directly involv-
ed in the various legal
against the NUM.
For example, even though
the secondary picketing of
British Steel was outlawed
under the 1982 anti-unior
legislation, no court actions were taken by BSC.
Instead, the court actions have been taken by the working miners. These actions have so far led to the fining of the NUM, seleft-wing trade unionists in the north west. The NUM have recently established a full-time solidarity office in Manchester.
The TGWU Region No o have now assigned two full-time workers 10 monitor the movement 01 coal and coal substitutes Picketing of oil refineries in the area have met with
The North West Regional Labour Party Women's Committee
pion to 19 JanuarysrA
19 January. series of meetings across Merseyside and Manchester have been oreans. ed between the NUM and leading stewards and officials from transport, power and fuel industries.
Within the Lancashire NUM the Lead Scargi porters of the leadership, in the Bold and Sutton Manor branch, are
questration of its funds and removal of its elected caaersmip as trustees of the union.
This allowed the Tories seen as the aton the union. In-
could also hide
This new move is from
source. The
business. The miners, conincreasingly taking over leadership of the strike locally.
They begun make alliances with the left
labour movement in the north west to fight for the implementation of TUC decisions.
Other branches controlled the Sid Vincent's of this world are not playing such a positive role.
This is why the NCB has chosen to try and move coal at Bold. Kinnock and Willis have given the NCB boor in and atack the
attack the militant sections of the NUM to try and break
woth isolide rested the
won the rest of the labour The north west labour move-
fighting back against these attacks.
form
different of th Spencer of the 1930s. strips the last
working
win a 'democratic'
These
would pleased
tionally.
Striking miners
appealing all NUM
changes. explains: choser dispute not
for the
issue and against
who was involved early stages,
who
mittee, said *i am no
the trade move-
see them smash the NUM, not be one. The
whole NUM. The the
the scabs
see as the
Fitzwilliam
THE PIT village of Fitzwilliam near Wakefield is shocked by the severity of sentences handed out to members of Fitzwilliam mine.
Peter Hurst was jailed for six months on a charge of breach of the peace, arising from violent scenes during a police invasion of their village on 9 July. Three received ther defendants
suspended sentences, while three are awaiting social reports.
The Fitzwilliam events were the first of the full-scale police assaults Yorkshire mining communities which were repeated lale.
Hemsworth, Armthorpe
Contal Eloi Souls Easti
wabury A and B
Her Stations
'JEREMY CORBYN,
pictured above, was
one of the 300 pickets
who turned up to stop
the oil at Tilbury
power station in Essex
10 December.
Three oil tankers were
turned back despite
the presence of a large
number of police
dressed in riot gear.
Tom Durkin (Brent
Trades Council), Ivan
Shevs
tional Executive),
member of the NUR as
well as Jeremy addressed
une picket line.
Dave Palmer of Har-
ingey Miners Support
Committee.
'400 turned _ up to
bickel Neasden power
station in Brent from all
OVC. SURe
Home Counties on Mon-
day December No
tankers arrived while the
pickets
dance and police
behaviour was far less
than
Friday's mass picket.
'Two Kent miners and
one woman had been ar-
rested at that picket and
their bail conditions were
one mile and
half-a-mile away from
the power station. and Grimethorpe.
The stipendiary magistrate has proved to be as vicious in court as the ponce were on the nigh when a force of 50 police surrounded Fitzwilliam Hotel and burst into it 'lashing out with truncheons'.
By Matthew Creighton
The victims of this remarkable police brutality, dazed and bruised,
were charged with o
were charged with fences like assault which carefully avoided the right
Defendant Peter Doody told Socialist Action: "The police know
News
brought from
K.
Andy
ComMiners Com-
ed went onto Willesden magistrates
rest Councillor
He was arrested in August Kilburn Street
their families
'He Tait, of
suppor chair of Brent CLP. For more New Year. they rely on these magistrates A jury trial
likely have would most aquitted us. Thaws posa use of the said
defe was aquitted dyi
was aquitted. chief job now is to give support to Peter Hurst in Armley Jail, and his family here in Fitzwilliam over Christmas • The defendants and their supporters are setting Group. Sendmessagesand Prisoners Support Xmas cards Peter Hurst, Armley Jail, Leeds. Donations should be sent to the Prisoners Support Group, Rockingham Street, Fitzwilliam, West Yorkshire.
Page 5 scan of this page
new militancy
Sexual Politics
THE QUESTION that has come to the fore in every
began with women setting the agenda of the peace movement at Greenham Common.
it is still women-only and it remains a source in inspiration for all those who wish to oppose cruise missiles being stationed in Europe, much to the consternation of the CND leaders.
Arthur Scargill, president of the National Union of Mineworkers, has been forced to reverse his attitude towards women by the growth of a huge Women Against Pit Closures movement in support of the strike.
women into contact with trade unionism, socialism and feminism for the first time in their lives.
Those feminists who chided the NUM at the beginning of the strike for being macho (Miners are men's love objects' wrote Bea Campbell in The Road to Wigan Pier Revisited) completely tailed understand that working class women would see the political importance of inis dispute and organise actively in support of the miners as women.
Wives, mothers, daughters. girl-friends. renow unade donasts and Labour Party members Doured into the SUDDOT groups to re-organise the
communities prepare for a long haul where collective provision was at a premium.
By Valerie Coultas
demonstrations have now occi orranscu, a lauloldi movement consolidated, ana women nave gone on picket lines alongside the men to spread the dispute.
Members of the NUM HARRIS/JEREMY NICHOLL
freely admit to be taken aback by tne power or lal: movement and women's contalment gle.
showed
porting the but
be con. fronted in process allu. a tamilv. learnt housework
was
The reknowned battles of also deserve The Hospital dispute, wonder have against
ingham dinner ladies opposed privatisation and won,
Senan
Skills
The Fords machinists striking over lne recognl tion of women's skills in a
270 Ieglaullig women in a company of 42,000 male employees proved that this new militancy would take head on the employers 14 year-long offensive to avoid the equal pay legislation.
Black women, who have spearheaded the battle for black sections in the Labour Party, challenged all the priorities of socialist and feminists over the last year demanding that their concerns should be taken seriously.
And on the question of Ireland
Have challenged the labour movement's silence by organising in support the Armagh
WUlc
political struggle over the last year is women. 1984
Contrary to all forecasts the camp still survives,
The year is ending with biggest surprise of all.
A movement which has brought thousands of otos:
against the strip searches
and harassment in gaol.
What we are witnessing InCH
feminism. An outburst of
women's militanev that 1s
both a reaction to the at-
tacks of this Tory govern-
ment and a reflection of
women's social position
In socier roov.
Women have not
allowed the Thatcher ad-
ministration to push them
VULI
Often heading up families,
keeping nemselves or pro-
viding an essential income
they need their wages.
Trapped in the ghetto
of low pay, fighting to de
inadequate com-
munity services they have
turned to the labour move-
What is new about this
wave of feminism is that it
is deeply rooted inside the
labour movement and the
mass movements against
the Tories.
As women turn to the
Labour Party, the trade
and the peace
movement to fight the
Tories they are forced to
organise to transform
these movements because
they 1121 these
organisations do not auto-
nal cally acconouale
women's needs and
demands.
'Women have every right to disturb and challenge the priorities of the male dominated labour movement'
This is the decisively new feature about this up-
surgee Benst te sirue
struggle for accountability within the Labour Party, 1979 to 1981, therefore had a particular attraction for feminists. Decade
Unionisation of
ing over a decade and the pro-abortion movement
lad made strong links with the trade unions.
The attraction of Bennism to women was that it was open to feminisation. Accountability could very easily become a rallying cry of women to men, well as cry from the ranks to the leaders of the party.
Women's sections gained a new lease of life Regional and national conferences of the Labour Party were transformed as feminists launched the struggle for greater representation and
WCI on to pass some of the most radical policies on Te no one kakan! war, on NATO that any
of aDOI movement adopted.
Women councillors
brought feminism to the town hall women's committees were established.
The battle for representation was an obvious tocus for women's energies given the discrimination that exists within the British labour movement. At this years TUC for example only 13 per cent of the delegates were women and there were no resolutions relating to women's concerns on the agenda.
Positive
The labour movementaccords little independent authority to women's structures within the movement. Reserved places on Labour's NEC and the TUC women's advisory are chosen by men. The positive discrimination which exists in the labour movement is not based on feminist principles of accountability to women.
Many Bennite leaders have responded positively to the challenge of the oppressed unlike left forces
ike the Militant. Now under seige from Liver-
Women's
Dianne Abbott
pool's black community it is having to learn that it is not so easy to ride roughshod over the demands of groups within the labour movement.
Militant, by counterposing the struggle socialism to the struggle lor grealer represenlalion of women and blacks in
aDol movement, combined with reactionary views on gay politics show their prostration before everything that 1S worst about the British labour
preJudice and backwardness born out of it origins in crati unionism at the heyday of British imperialism.
Socialist Action 21 December 1984
When Militant lines up with the BETPU to oppose black sections, and with Gwyneth . Dunwoody oppose the demands women, it is crystal clear just how rotten are the politics of this tendency. It claims the name of 'marx.
but reality represents social chauvinism and comodation to the labour bureaucracy.
The sectarian errors of the Militant on questions of women gives succour to the argument of the Eurocommunists. Bea
Alive Campbell debating Ken Livingstone at Left Alive we fundamentalists ng the 'fundamentalists' the 'old Trotskyist far left, the Labour Party hard left and sectarians within the Communist Party'
"Fundamentalists', she argues, are 'opposed to changes within and without the working class, within and without the socialist movement, changes that it is obvious the GLC have promoted.
But Bea knows this is a caricature. She knows there is a definite feminist current within Trotskyism and more importantly that
the London Labour Party hard left, or the Bennite left, has been to the fore in promoting the case of feminism within the party.
To equate this-te moinis
with anti-teminis 'tankies' inside the Com-
deliberate sleight of hand designed obscure the real debate: which alliances should the left in the Labour Party make to promote the concerns o 'the dispossessed'. This is the real issue
Bea Campbell is really saying steer clear of the trots and Benn and come into the orbit of Marxism Today and the Labour Coordinating Committee because we'd ilke to share in some of the success of the GLC
But there's no evidence that the LCC, which pro-Kinnock, will champion the cause of women within the party on a con sistent basis. There seems
taking part in this sleez! alliance.
The LCC has already decided to launch a full scale challenge to the hard left section of the NEC a next year's conference and they alc unlikely Io SuD port the Women's Actior Committee slate
Casal.
Bea's advocacy feminist incomes taking money men rather •than capital to give
to wornell llas givell d left cover for the right wing to sharpen up their offensive against the left on this question before the next election.
Bea's
immediate
tions reveal feminis
Steel, Owen ur
The and
because the miners strike marcl of labour, from being priorities the male
move. ment.
the labour
exploiters
tant that
if the new of
rewards.
Page 6 scan of this page
TIfE MOST 'basic alliance that las' to be made in the struggle for socialism in Britain is with the fight of the Irish people for independence. Complete solidarity with that struggle would quired by the British movement quite regardless who was leading the Irish struggle for independence.
But something still more exciting and important developed for socialists in Britain. Sinn Fein in the North of Ireland today has developed into the most advanced mass working class leadership in the whole of Western Europe.
REDMOND O'NEILL Socialist Action interviewed JOE AUSTIN, Belfast chairperson of Sinn Fein, on the goals Sinn Fein was fighting for.
What are the aims of Sinn Fein? The short and longterm aims of Belfast Sinn Fein expose perialism and all of its ramifications in Ireland ana lo plot an course in the establishment of a 32 county democratic socialist republic of Ireland.
Having said that is isn't going to happen next week or even next year. There are a number of substantial problems which we have to get over least the British physical presence.
But the British occupation Ireland isn't only British troops. controlled through the colonial set-up in the North and the neo-colonial setup in the South.
We have the coming together with British imperialism of the tweedle-dum parties in the south -Fianna Fail - - supported in a pathetic fashion by the so-called Irish Labour Party.
It needs to be made clear to people, irrespective of the colour of the flag they fly over the GPO in Dublin, these parties are part of the collaboration with British economic, military occupation. the conspiracy against the Irish people.
People very easily identify enemv as ine British soldier street because of his paraphenalia: his uniform, his guns and the armoured wars ana lallks.
But the politicisation has to spill over from that to identify the class enemy in order to understand that the struggle is not simply against the British military presence, or even tne DrILISn political presence, but also against the economic presence that the political imperialism of the Brits will leave in their wake.
We are not struggling geographical liberation to be again exploited by capitalists remove the Brits and replace them with something apparently different but not so different at the end of the day.
So we have to link together all of the struggles from the women's struggle, through the unemployment struggle through the whole social, and political struggle to the national SLURLIC. They are all part of the one struggle.
PHOBLACHT
Republican News
British prime minister in Dublin on Manday
Thatcher
Out!
Out!
Outlh
James Connolv exp ained that in 1916, it's not something that has been discovered last week. that at different stages over the last ten years Sinn Fein has been on and off that track. The problem is that national sovereignty and working class rights are iwo sides of the same coin.
Historically in the republican ment there have been three main components in ascendency: you've had the.
§oscadist Ardipon: 211 December 1984
militarists,
revolutionary republicans.
organisation to which
be re-
labour ing the bombs, could not relate.
of The
has them.
It for ed struggle in strategy?
gle. The armed sacrosanct. It is part
British im- gie.
alternative
then
like Harrods — 10I Harrods attack.
of It is counties in the North of Ireland.
mass popular support.
• Fine Gael and
past Britsh administrations
political and
portantly, that They are part of
presence In Bureauc. on ine reasonable people
ple about Ireland. for
that
economic
demands,
was support for brisoneis.
wake of the
th. the North.
Northern-based struggle.
of the country
in the South.
fightback in terms of
I''s true to say
State Parties Fianna
DOuC OC on whole. That move-
you've had the constitutional republicans and you've had the
When the first of these were in the leadership Sinn Fein was a militaristic
working class, who were not involved in throw-
constitutional republicans presented constitutional arguments to imperialism which actually did no work and the working class had no faith in
is only with the revolutionary republican leadership that the movement is beginning to understand that working class struggles are part of the
and to see that in fact they are two sides of the same coin. What is the place of support of the arm-
Sinn Fein's political
The armed struggle and the electoral intervention are part of the same strug-
struggle IS not OI une overal struggle. It has no greater place than any other component part of the strug-
If the armed struggle causes problems, which it has done on occasion,
we'd have to be very honest and say that attack or that operation was wrong'. This is not a question of affecting election results. An action is wrong if people cannot relate to it. For example, it's wrong if it's a backward step
we condemned the
Sinn Fein has been able to win well over 100,000 votes in elections in the six
This demonstrates very cicary lal you lave
But it is obviously not enough to defeat British imperialism. What is Sinn Fein's strategy for developing the struggle in the twenty six counties in the South after the immense impact of the hunger strike? There is no doubt that the current and
need the active collaboration of the Free State, certainly in terms of having a semieffective security policy. But, more im-
collaboration necessary in terms of confusing English working class opinion about the British
'here you have like Garret Fitgerald and everyone agrees that things in Ireland would be OK if the IRA would go away'. That type of argument
does succeed in confusing English peo- Photo GRAHAM COOKSOA
'Historically in the republican movement there
have been three main components in ascendancy: you've had the militarists,
you've had the
constitutional republicans
and you've had the revolutionary republicans.'
The campaign around the H-block their hungerstrikers had a very big response in the South, but this was mainly the result of the suffering of the prisoners, towards the intensity of the campaign, and of its
which were very reasonable demands. That is not the same as support for the struggle or for Sinn Fein. It
the demands of the
We were not able to capitalise in the
hunger strike primarily because the sinn rei organisation in the South had seen itself basically as a and
support group for the struggle in Nor-
They were hypnotised by events in
England's frightened
But the struggle in Ireland is not a
The struggle in Ireland has a number of different facets. But key to the whole liberation
the social and economic struggle that has to take place
It is necessary, firstly, to begin the
working class rights and, linked to that, to begin to expose the role that's played by the Free
- primarily Fine Gael and in the physical and geographical occupation of the North of Ireland — and in the economic and
Not reland struggle obviously employs different tactics to the struggle the in the North. But it is just as important.
You don't have to be a political
guru to understand that when the crisis comes with Brit departure the class and capitalist interests will come together and try to form an administration for the whole of Ireland which maintains
status quo. For example Unionists who today oppose any relationship with the South will gravitate
similar people representing similar class interests. That's happening already - perhaps not on the floor of Westminster or the Assembly — but its happening.
Capitalism in Ireland orientates towards British capitalism because Irish capitalists see British capitalism and the forces it can muster, in terms of troops
aciliust alion. being guarantee. When James Prior says he's frightened of a Cuba style Republic on
doorstep he's not behalf of English capitalism, he's frightened on behalf of Irish capitalism as well.
Class
So we need to get out and weaken those classes now. Sinn Fein has part to play in that. But we recognise that Sinn Fein are not going to be the revolutionary party in isolation from other forces in the South.
On what class or class does Sinn Fein base its struggle!
The working class and small farmers. Our policies will not be appreciated by
large ranchers. The longterm resolution of the conflict in reland has got to be based on a Socialist Republic
and obviously the people who are going to subscribe to it, perhaps even die for it are the politicised sections of the working class. What is the policy of Sinn Fein towards the the labour movement in the 26 counties. For example there is a debate taking place Amalgamated Irish General Workers with the Irish Labour Party. What is Sinn Fein's attitude to this?
In Ireland we don't have a labour movement. We don't even have a bad labour movement. very, very small Free State Labour Partheir ty, which is currently in coalition with Fine Gael - an right-wing party. A small section of the trade union movement is affiliated to only this Labour Party and a smaller still section vote for it.
In the EEC election Sinn Fein won over 50.000 more votes than this so called Labour Party. election in Dublin Central, and despite all of the restrictions on Sinn Fein, our candidate beat the Labour Party into fifth place.
Again, two months Gaeltoch - that is the Irish speaking area — we again beat the Labour Party into third place.
The reality is that the Labour Party is a Labour Party in name only. politics, its programme, orientation is towards the terests in Fianna Fail and Fine Gael and it has shared office with both of these parties. For example, the Abortion am-
«A revol
republican
fight for it and
was Labour Party
presides unions like the
Transport and Union on relations
What we have is a
ultra-conservative
For should not Labour Party.
We contested an
trade ago in the neutral
Scargill courageously,
its whole capitalist in-
mendment campaign and its conspiracy against women last year in the South
instigated by sections of the leadership along with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. The Labour Party is part of the government which
over the second highest unemployment rate in Europe. The Labour Party supports the repressive actions of that government.
'key to the whole liberation
of the country is the social
and economic struggle that
will take place in the South'
All of this cannot go unheeded bs the trade union movement. It is not a question of us saying the unions should
be affiliated to the The reality of it is that wiet tree are caesius doodesso — and we'll leave aside national op. pression for the moment - but when there is institutionalised oppression the
union movement cannot be
The trade union movement in the South is trying to be neutral. As Arthur
demonstrating- fairly the defence of your members does not begin and end wher they clock on and off. The defence ol your members means the defence of
member: and the trade union movement by affiliating to the Labour Party are abdicating that responsibili-
Page 7 scan of this page
leadership"
We are for disaffiliation from the Irish Labour Party. But it's not a matter of us having the audacity to say the trade unions should disassociate themselves from the so-called Labour Party and associate with Sinn Fein. That isn't the question that is posed.
The question is: 'when will the bastion of working class rights that the trade union movement is supposed to be exert its right and its responsibility to defend its members?'
We are not mobilising as an alternative to the labour movement. We are mobilising to try to force the broader movement into a position where it has to defend its members rights and come into confrontation with the state.
The difficulty is that because the trade union movement has been a safety valve for capitalism in the South and because it appears unable to defend workers' rights large numbers workers only join because of their job and not to defend working class interests. That's what is happening England as well. You see a whole drift of support away from the trade union movement, and of course, once that support begins to drift capitalist attacks begin. That's what has happened in England and that's also what is happening in the South.
How do you see creating a political alternative to the politics of the Labour Party in the South?
Sections of the Labour Party will have to be replaced by Sinn Fein. Other sections that have a contribution to make.
utionary
for example the struggle for women's rights in the South, will replace other sections. The Labour Party replaced by a number of different things.
There is need for politicised sections of the trade union movement to raise the standard of struggle within their own organisations. against the division political wing' — the Labour Party -and the trade union activity. He argued the trade union movement is a political animal and trade union members are politically involved in the class struggle. Shop
Now what's happened here is that ponucal acuivity Has been virtuany pro hibited in the trade unions of union leaders argue that the political struggle is reserved for the political wing because it does not occur on the shop floor.
What we are advocating is that the trade union movement is not allowed to become an oractor or doservers or by-standers. The trade union movement has a major role to reconquest of ireland. role to play in the defence of working class rights. It has a major role to play in the struggle against repression. have to do this not because Sinn Fein is sayıng you've got to do it, but because
their responsibility members
The trade unions are part of the
liberation vehicle. So we need to say to people both internally in Sinn Fein and
will be externalv that.
weak the trade union movement has become, it is their vehicle
struggle has to be fought. It's having some limited success.
Connolly was trade unions are quite different between 'the ween Ireland and England. In England
acceptable
left right be re then ens. or peo.
the receiving
clapping about it, they can do about it.
'republican, tion', and sections of the working class trade can be convinced by that that the conspiracy is not against the leadership but against the membership of the union.
Election
remarkable situations recently like the play in the election of Phil Flynn, seetary of the white collar union al of Sinn It has a major Presci
spite of a campaign organised by the They Minister of Labour and Special Branch against him as a 'member of the IRA'.
A campaign in which the government their stated it would no longer negotiate with the union if Phil were elected. In spite of all their efforts Phil Flynn won the election virtually unooposed,
system, and
members
them..
people and • 100,000 ridiculous.
withdrawal. either.
like it.
Balance
Fein TD
of republican
irrespective of how
that's where you should be, that's where the
But the conditions for work in the
to organise
end of organisation - I mean the bureaucrats - may not be raising their hands and
but there's nothing
In the South you have the cry of
conspiratorial infiltra-
Nonethless there have been some
former Vice general Fail and Fine Gael:
Socialist Action
There is now a very small organisation called trade umonists Io1 National Consciousness. We aim, not only to expose Labour collaboration in the
, but also to politicise the rank paper. file membership and wilalevel leadership can be found, into the beginning of the fightback. You see the fightback isn't only about the Brits in Ireland, it is also to arm trade union
to understand that their leadership is part of the conspiracy against them, and that they should have leadership that reflects their interests, reflects their wishes and will fight for
In the overall struggle in the South Sinn Fein is not going to be the force But we will be part of a grouping of
our organisations like 'Concerned Parents Against Drug Abuse' in Dublin and Firstly, support strike struggles like the sit-in by workers at Rank Flour Mill.
What is the place of electoral activity in Sinn Fein's strategy and activity?
Limited electoral intervention makes it possible to challenge the Brit presentation that the IRA, for instance, are a small terrorist group with no support.
plus votes make that But, course, 100,000 votes don't affect Thatcher or force
They're not a substitute for armed resistance, street politics and organising correctly in the local areas.
There is a debate about our election tactics in the South. We stand in Coun cil elections North and South and take our seats. In Westminster which is the English parliament there is an oath of allegiance which MPs have to take. We time, don't take seats in Westminster. Then is also an oath of allegiance for seat in the Free State parliament - Leinster House — and we don't take seats there
But the difference is that irrespective of how we see Leinster House most Southerners do not see it as a foreign narliament like westminster They see it as their parliament. They might not
They might disagree with its political philosophy but even those who see themselves as republicans generally see Leinster House as their parliament. So the abstentionism we operate in the North will not work in the South.
The argument is therefore that if Sinn Fein is to play a part in replacing ture
collaborationist Parties the South it has to enter Leinster House. 1 nat s tne platorm lney nave to use.
I don't say agree with the argument, but there's some point to it. For examole the maioritv of the present coalition government is so small that one Sinn
would tip the parliamentary balance against the government. One Sinn Fein TD would result in stopping cross border collaboration, extradition ed.
prisoners tomorrow.
That is the sort of discussion going on.
We will be standing 100-150 candidates — in the May local elections in the North and 140-170 in the council elections two weeks later in the South.
The Brits and the Free state government have responded to ou SUCCESS with repression. In the South this has
RAPE
A WOMEN'S ISSUE? 'The Abortion amendment campaign and its conspiracy against women last year in the South was instigated by sections of the Labour Party leadership along with Fianna
219ember 984 taken the form for many ban from Free state radio and in terms of elections we cannot e the name of our party on the ballot
In the North where well over 100,000 people voted for Sinn Fein, Sinn Fein representatives are not allowed to meet government ministers. The Free State government has mimicker this in the South. What is involved ir this is not the attitude to Sinn Fein What's involved is the political disenfranchisement of large sections of Irish people which will ultimately backfire on both the Brits and the Free State ad-
What impact has the British miners' strike had in the North?
give complete and unequivocal support to the miners. The natonalist population in the North may not understand all the ins and outs, but they see miners getting battered by the police every morning on TV, and the view anyone that's involved in struggl as condoes
'we give complete and
unequivocable support to
the miners.?
At the top of the list for financial support to the miners are the nationalist areas in the North. Myselt I spoke with the NUM at the GLC antiracist rally in London. Our attitude is complete support and. at the same
care to do nothing which helps Ine brusn stale to allack tne miners, by criminalising their strike or Scargill.
At the Anglo-Irish Summit Thatcher dismissed all of the proposals from the New Ireland Forum on the future of Ireland. What is Sinn Fein's alternative to these proposals.
question can only b resolved when the British administration acknowldge self-determination for the Irish people. You can't dilute that. there can't be an internal solution There can't be a solution to the conflic whilst the Brits are still here. We have
secure self-determination for Irish people and then negotiate depar-
We did previously advocate federal solution which has now been dropped in favour of massive decen tralisation of power in terms of local councils and affiliation of those to a thirty two county parliament.
But the struggle does not end when the Brits leave Ireland. The struggle ends when you have the establishment of a socialist Republic. The guarantee for the success of that struggle, North and South, does not lie with the quantity or weapons the RA has the number of British soldiers that are kill-
The guarantee for the success of that struggle has its foundations in the politicisation and strength of the pro gressive sections of the working class. Yes, just as in 1921 there will be a counter-revolution when the Brits depart, either physically or politically, and how do you withstand that counter-revolution? You withstand it by the politicisation of the working class - which takes place now.
RECLAN THE MaTTE
WOMEN AGAINST VILENCE ACANT LE
Page 8 scan of this page
as world leader ?
8 Socialist Action 21 December 1984
THE MASS MEDIA, especially the BBC, are using the Gorbachev visit to suggest two ideas: first, that he is coming to London because the Thatcher government has some sort of sosphisticated and positive line of East-West arms negotiations, or at least a less crude approach than that of Reagan; second, that if the most senior Soviet leader to travel to the West for years chooses London it is because Thatcher has made the British state a great independent force within NATO.
Both these ideas are nonsense.
As to the projected arms control negotiations Washington and Moscow, Thatcher's real aims are being carefully hidden from popular view because they would make her look ridiculous and would strengthen . the peace movement. For the truth is that Britain takes a harder line against any arms control deal than other NATO government, including Washington — it is linking itself with the hardest liners in the Pentagon in its attitude to the 7-8 January Geneva talks between Schultz and Gromyko.
This is evident even in the coded language of the Foreign Office. When Howe says an arms control deal with the Soviets is a long way off, this means he hopes it is. When he says there should be wide-ranging talks with the Russians not limited to arms questions, he means there shouldn't be any serious talking on arms control.
The uncoded, open voice of Thatther can be found in The Times editorial of a couple of weeks ago which called for a continued build-up cf military pressure on the 'evil emaure (ne limes words). searching
By Oliver McDonald
It might be thought that this hard line the product Thatcher' s deanously reactionary ideological bostility to the Soviet Union. But this is not really the main thing at all. What CONCHIS her is the British state's increasingly desperate political problems in trying to keep its end up as a major power ll the NATO alliance.
The British state establishment is threatened over the next few years with the prospect of sinking to the status third class NATO.
Two things count in the politics of the alliance: military muscle. The British economy is suffering from galloping muscular avstroone wnich is not going to be reversed, making Britain a third class economic power. This in turn is linked to the growing military enfeeblement of Britain in comparison with both the French and Germans.
Trident
To keep her end up vis a vis the French and Germans, Thatcher has ino ideas: slavish support for the Reagan administration, hoping favours in return, and Trident.
Trident is, in fact, the big favour in return, even though from economic point of view it is little short of a catastrophe. But Thatcher hopes that it will be political value money because it will. at a stroke. enable her to get back on equal power terms with the rrench and Germans. She probably even dreams of the following coup.
The French and German establishments want lo snow tneir dectorates that a West European defence bloc independent of the Americans is beginning What this bloc would lack is a credible nuclear umbrella. Trident could appear to provide it, giving Britain a supposed 'lead' in the bloc. At the same time, the Americans don't want to see a genuinely independent West European military bloc. Trident solves that problem too: with it as the umbrella, the Americans keep control
they service and Trident!).
So instead of Thatcherite Britain sinking ignominiously between
any Western Europe and the US, Trident miraculous v makes Britain the ivnch-
militarist bluff of Thatcher's could be destroyed by the stroke of a pen at "reneva There
scheme for building an arsenal of
wcaDons that could destrov Soviet missiles in space before they
missiles that can hit a super-power. If agreements over these issues could be reached this would obviously be an excellent thing for the British people. But it would be a catastrophe for the
Taking the stategic missiles talks
both Polaris and Trident are strategic
called tactical nukes - SS20s and Cusc and
numbers
upon whether Thatcher is a good
made possible by US assistance, Thatcher got too big for her boots and had the cheek to start toying with the idea that she could run her
the Iranians and considering pulling
in autumn 1983, vice-president Bush casually remarked that British nukes
As Gorbachev comes to London
would probably eventually have to be brought into the US-Soviet negotia-
control deal on strategic nukes? Better to back the Prince of Darkness,
nightmare for Thatcher. we have a common Soviet-West German position: for a complete ban on
wars. port this position because Reagan has set his heart on Star Wars, and if she riled him she would lose Trident and Polaris in the strategic missiles talks,
two posibilities: one is limited Star Wars defence to ensure a degree of protection; the second, bolder idea is to swap research information with the Soviets so that both sides have Star 1IUW death for Polaris and Trident, since any Soviet Star Wars defence would destroy the credibility of the British nukes. So by far the best policy is to work to support the hawks in the US administration and oppose a deal with
the most hawkish stand on arms control within NATO (just as it did during SALT I at the start of the 1970s)
cher's rule has given the British state new authority in East-West relations?
evel bachev, no less, is coming to London.
Thatcher
want any successtul arms
Ostpolitik EuroDe
wing the falsity of such claims so clearly as Mr
cono no because o me mce e independent power of the British state but precisely because of its ever closer dependence and client status vis a vis
useful to the Russians because they want to know what the US is thinking
To avoid any misunderstanding establishment, the Foreign Office told
Telegraph that the Gorbachev's choic
thought to be tound in the British government's close relations with the
salllic • DOLILI from a different angle: it is not that leverage in Washington than before; it is that both Bonn and Paris are seen in Moscow as having no usefulness at all in Moscow's present diplomatic efforts. The London trip is in large part a punishment to Kohl for his abject failure to preserve the special relationship built up between the USSR and bast the FGR during the 1970s.
denlovment cruise and Pershing) has been to call a
unilateral ostpolitik that became so
mvasion vi Argilanislan In
ostpolitik when he gained office while
with Yalta, so sad about the loss of the 1937 frontiers of Germany, there
Surplus Value
through swallowing albeit peacefully — the GDR into the constitutional tramework of the rROl both to please Washington and trump the growing left wing neutralist nationalism Germany. Foreign minister Genscher thought that could satisfy Washington with this ideology while offering Moscow substantial practical benefits, making continued good relations worthwhile to the USSR.
When Kohl visited Moscow before the arrival of Pershing missiles in West Germany this approach seemed to work - he was able to make a public speech there talking about German reunification without provoking the least uproar from the Soviet side. But once Kohl's attempt to freeze further deployments was squashed by Washington early this year, Moscow changed Lulic publically humiliated Genscher in Moscow and blocked Honnecker's visit to the FRO this autumn.
Washington's people in Bonn then stepped up the pressure on the government for a more strident right
nanonalsill. the wretched
visit to Poland should include memorial for the Germans who died in the course of crushing the Poles during the last war and then to call off his Polish visit the day before it was due to take place. Germany
Fifteen years of West Germany's ostpolitik lay in ruins. To rub salt into
wounds, Washington's Italian foreign minister, Mr Andreotti, publically denounced 'PanGermanism' and roundly declared that the two German states should never unile
taneously encouraged German right wing nationalism in Germany and encouraged protests against it outside Germany. Not for the first time in the
and Moscow found themselves in tac-
become the interlocutor between the super powers? Not at all: Moscow has decided to talk to the Reagan administration direct. But at the same time, it suits the Soviet leadership to
water e arrolle Eastern Europe mouthing pompous platitudes as a snub to a West German government that has become used, in the last decade, to treating the region
OWLI
it knows that Thatcher will not dare
atmosphere the Americans cannot do any public diplomatic circuit round Eastern Europe, so why not send this little provincial lawyer who will stick
Fantasy
For all these reasons, Mr Gorbachev's visit and Howe's travels are nollllig NO Me of hollow glory in this interlude before thẹ basic power factors of East-West
reasser themselves. It all typifies Thatcherism
everything from the Malvinas to humiliating Garret FitzGerald: theatrical bomb-
for home consumption. simultaneously makes the Tory lower middle classes believe that the British state is mighty again while actually helping along the galloping decline
When the bubble finally bursts for the Tory masses who today hold their heads up high to bellow Rule Britannia — and burst it eventually must -those same masses will be on the rampage baying for somebody's blood Who will burst the bubble? Reagan? Thatcher herself by being fooled by her own bombast? And will she find a scape-goat?
One thing is increasingly certain: Thatcher's Great Power fantasy is less likely to end with a whimper than with a bang.
Page 9 scan of this page
Surplus Value
CONTINUING ITS debate on the situation of world politics today Socialist Action is reprinting a major section from Dynamics of World Revolution Today.
This document, adopted by the Trotskyist Fourth International in 1963, represents probably the most important Marxist attempt in the post-war world to draw together an analysis of the overall features of world political development since the origin of the workers' movement.
Whether one agrees with the Fourth International therefore, it remains an indispensable element in any discussion. Articles Socialist Action printed on this discussion include 'How Reagan will be defeated' (SA 78) and 'Lin Piao Lives!' (SA 82).
THE CLASSICAL schema of world revolution assumed that the victory of socialism would occur first in the
industrially developed tries, setting an example for the less developed.
It is true that after the revolution of 1848, Marx voiced some misgivings about one of the political assump. tions underlying this schema; namely, the capacity of the bourgeoisie
classical democratic revolution were capitalisin Is sull Immature bur where a modern proletariat already exists.
Later Engels further undermined this schema when he pointed out that the relative weakness of political consciousness among the British working class was due precisely to the fact that
was the capitalist country, holding a world monopoly on high productivity.
Lenin
At the beginning of the 20th century, Trotsky, in 1905, in his theory of permanent revolution, which
the working class would find itself compelled to carry out tasks historically belonging bourgeoisie, and Lenin, in 1914, in his theory of imperialism, which included
view that the imperialist chain would break first at its weakest link, showed that they had come to understand the main consequence of the law
and combined development; LOaL might well come to power first in a backward country as a result of the contradictions of the world capitalist system as a whole.
Both Lenin and Trotsky
firmly of the opinion that the victory of the revolution in cumstances would prove to be only
the prelude to the victory,
socialist TeVOlILON
capitalist countries and a means of
facilitating the final outcome. It was
in this spirit that the Bolsheviks took
power in October 1917 and founded
the Third International in 1919.
The revolution followed a more
devious path than even its
The betrayals by
bureaucracy led to the defeat of the
German and Central
revolutions of 1918-21, isolating the
first victorious
way
which the established tight control.
instrument all mallocuvic 1n Kremlin thereby unintentionally, or not
has bourgeoiscountries advanced
held
democratic
the proletariat
were
such cir-
time to the colonial world.
of the tory of me ninese
key tionary wave in Europe, uninterrupted
tions after esablishment
Yugoslavia,
the reformist backward
European
postponed.
Dynamics of
world revolution
today
revolution backward Russia and thereby paving
the bureaucratic degeneration of the Soviet state and ine Communist miernauondi, over
stalinist bureaucracy The Comintern became transtormed trom an instrument of world revolution into
diplomatic the hands of the blocking, first and then with calculated purpose, the victory of the proletarian revolution in many promising situations in many countries.
ICCU ing
At the end of World War II, social and stalinist class.
collaborationist policies, in combination with the efforts of western im- ship.
perialism, led to the stablilisation of a
capitalist economy and a bourgeois
state in several imperialist countries
where the victory of socialism was ob-
jectively possible and even imminent.
As a result of the successive failure
of the two major revolutionary waves
of 1919-23 and 1943-48 — and of the
minor one of 1934-37 — the main cen-
tre of world revolution shifted for a
The vicRevolution
1949, following the post-war revolu-
opened an sene of colonial
revolutions. All the victorious revolu-
1917, including the of workers' states
through revolutionary upheavals in
China, Vietnam. and
Cuba thus took place in relatively of
countries willie the
possibility of early revolutionary vic-
tory in the imperialist countries was
The view must be vigorously rejected that this development, unforeseen in the classics of Marxism, was more or less fatally determined by the objective factors or by lack of revolutionary energy or will among the workers in the imperialist countries. No one can seriously deny that since 1917 various mass upsurges and even uprisings of the working class made the overthrow of capitalism objectively possible in many imperialist countries (Germany and the whole of Central Europe 1919-20, Italy 1919-21. Germany 1923, Belgium, 1932-36 France 1935-37, Italy 1943-48, France 1944-40, Britain 1945-50, etc). can it reasonably be denied that in innumerable tions of factories, general strikes mass demonstra- varuna
tions that have toppled governments, and even insurrections threatening the foundations of bourgeois power, that the proletariat of the imperialist countries (excepting United States) has shown again and again its understanding of the general
ICCOLISLIUCI society socialist lines and its willingness to carry out the task.
Germany
The failure of all these attempts is not due to any innate incapacity, to any political "backwardness' 'corruption', but to the treacherous role of the official leadership which has repeatedly preferred not to utilise the objective possibility of taking power, or to deliberately destroy that possibility. The European proletariat has been hit harder by such betrayals than any other sector of the world working class, as is clearly shown in the cases of Germany and Spain.
The crisis of revolutionary leadership exists, of course, in the colonial and semi-colonial countries as well as
the advanced countries. defeated or aborted revolutions bear witness to this crisis from the Chinese Revolution of 1925-27 to the more recent defeats. But in possible outcome of the struggle, a big difference is evident between inadequate leadership in a backward country and similar leadership in an imperialist country: the enemy facing the work-
population immeasurably stronger in the latter.
Confronted with the powerful and well-experienced bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries, the class can achieve victory only under a genuine revolutionary Marxist leader-
The situation is different in the backward countries. Confronted by ruling classes, rotten to the core and lacking mass support, the revolution draws into struggle the mass of the working population, including the
peasants and pauperised petty-bourgeoisie, bringing about collapse of the traditional order and its state, and exerting such pressure on centrist working-class parties similar formations as to bring them to power.
The failure of a revolutionary wave in an imperialist country gives way eventually to some form of temporary relative economic stabilisation and even to fresh expansion. This inevitably postpones new revolutionary uprisings for a time, the combination
political setback (or
demoralisation) of the working class
and a rising standard of living being
Davorale TOr ally immediate
revolutionary undertaking.
Nol
state
countries, on the other hand, the very weakness of peculiar socio-economic produced by imperialism, the permaalong
nent misery of the big majority of the population in the absence of radical agrarian revolution, and even reduction of living standards while industrialisation proceeds relatively situations in which the failure of one revolutionary or lo automatically to relative or even tem-
porary social or economic stabilisa. tion. cession of mass struggles continues, such as Bolivia has experienced for Many working
and
Contributors include:
even Price 50p (plus 17p p&p)
London I1
Socialist Action In the colonial and semicolonial
capitalism, the whole
the stagnation scale nevertheless rapidly,
wave does not lead
A seemingly inexhaustible suc- overcont
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THEC
BOMB?
A Socialist Action pamphlet on the future of Europe
Ernest Mandel on the reunification of Germany, Gunter Minnerup on the East European peace movements, Oliver Macdonald on the Labour Party defence document. and John Ross on social dislocation in Europe
Available from Socialist Action. PO Box 50.
21 December 1984 9 ten years. The weakness of the enemy offers the revolution fuller means of recovery from temporary defeats than is the case in the imperialist countries
To sum up victories and defeats since 1917 express the relationship of forces between the old ruling class and the toiling masses : on a world
The fact that the revolution won first in backward countries and not in the advanced is not proof that the workers in the advanced countries have shown insufficient revolutionar combativity. It is evidence of the fact that the opposition which they have to
1s Im measureably stronger than in the col onial and semi-colonial world.
Page 10 scan of this page
Tse press is atist et Avn he bere hing
the press is against you. All the build up to
beginning to have cople's morale. The Christmas appeal has helped • tarn the tables. I reckon we'll have the most fanatic Christmas ever. aristmas but a community Christmas'.
This was how Doreen kamber from the Mansidld women's action roup described the reac-
to the first cheque om the Miners' Families Jaristmas Appeal. Similar - orons have been comas in unimes. Soh fam we ve
munities. So far we' ad 10,000 responses.
Sometimes the propeds have helped support
oups to reach a target
had set for Christmas.
Durham for instance,
e sere determined that
ary miner s table. Toe
miner's table.
al has made sure there
be.
In Wales the appeal
iped maintain morale.
Nigel Bevan, scrtary of the Cardiff sup-
'I know peo-
group:
who have been a bit
lately and this apgiven unen
rk, a bit of fire, to
the support is ding up'.
The idea of a highLYONE who thought at the sole character-
of early British cialism either
WCle e pragmatism of Keir ardie or the hopeless actarianism of Hyndan would do well to ad the works of Edard Carpenter.
They will be astonished
his breadth of socialist sion, his analysis of the pression of women, of omosexuality, his derstanding of the ways
which social and «ooomic qucsuons are Ill ariwined capitalist
aety. and how the free-
of the working class
economic slavery
therefore inseparable om the struggle for the cration of women, les-
ns and gays.
But although he con¡"tcl WIILC untll his tath in 1929, the revoluonary and all-embracing
ture of his socialism was
cady completely out of
with the parlamennarrow-mindedness
Socialist Action 21 December 1984
Christmas with
the miners
an etfect on
It'll not only be a family
profile national appeal for
strıking mıners and their families came up durin the week of the NCB Christmas bonus. A few friends were talking gloomily against the backgrouna ol the unrelenting fight for the drift back to work.
askee ourselves how could we help to give
cla Doosi lo otond support?
The ad in national newspapers had a some-
By Hilary Wainwright
what surprising list of names. Sir Moses Finlay, the American professor of ancient history Cambridge side by side with the Fiying Pickets, Spike Milligan the moderator of nudged
United Reform
Church of Wales, how turned on a flood of DUllI support from people not reached by trade union levies and local support
Hidden treasures
of the labour movement. His disappearance from public view and knowledge was rapid and inevitable.
Reviewed by Peter Purton
Another teature made Carpenter stand out: not Only was ne gay, OL ONV did he set up house openly with gay lovers (admittedly on a remote Derbyshire farm), but he also wrote vigorously on une 1a000 subjects of sexuality and human relatlolls. despite the anti-gay hysteria following the trial of Oscar Wilde.
This new collection carries two major texts: Love's Coming he Ane (1896), and The termediate Sex (1906). These works have an interest beyond illustrating his advanced thinking. Thev represent insights in. to the relationship between the personal and the political, as developed as he theories of today's women and gay movements.
MARK SALMON
groups
They ranged from over 200 pensioners giving their
Christmas bonus, to company directors, doctors
and professors giving cheques TOI £1000 of
'respect for the miners' fortitude'. People
cvcl thanked us for giving them the obportunitv to contribute.
The total" balance so far about £290,000. Another donation from Jonn raul welty Il and we'd reach half a million!
O CaS ot which administers the letters and cheaues - which are still coming in at a rate
boc g00 ap. We hand tad
Is an ac hoc group. money over Women Against Pit Closures distribute.
Clearly the appeal should continue in the New Year, in a way which will turn this support into
Icemal comuncul The hardship will continue and the seam of goodwill amongst Guardian, Ob-
Mirror, New Statesman, and even a few Spectator readers is not by any means exhausted.
* Anv ofters of support welcome, 14 Whittley Street London SE8 8SL
Carpenter is particularly strong on the role of sex in human relationships. His thoughts homosexuality are hidebound by the then
prevalent theory of les-
ians and gays an intermediate, or third, sex.
But clear that he begins to break through this barrier to observe the universality of homosexuality and the potential for IL n some measue m aos! human beings.
Edward Carpenter's writings (and Noe! Greig's introduction) can infuriate a Marxist because of their leaning towards a romanticised and anarchistic vision and language. But ig nore weakness Carpenter saw sexual liberation as something to be fought for now, and an integral parl or tne class struggle. Buy this book ana broaden your mınd!
Edward Carpenter: Selected Writings, Volume 1: Sex, Gay Mens Press, £5.95.
METHUEN'S seasonal . publication of If å Christmas just only again makes
about bearable.
The fourth collection
of Steve Bell cartoon strips wcn makes the UTUUis autl ust asoute d goobies dian
assorted goodles from 1983-84, with the odd original thrown in for flavour.
The last two years has traced the growing radicalisation of penguins and friends, revisited in Once again.
Remember Gloria's hatch while she camped a left for Prince Greenham? And the pro duct of their drunken union on the last night of 'Sink the Belgrano'
- 111 persona favourite, the foul-mouthed baby Prudence?
If you don't remember how King lost his pelt - or re-grew it - all the more reason for a night by the Malina capers or Kipine reliving postand Co.
there too, Badger Courage made a re-entry into the strip during the miners' strike as a police spy posing as a picket. Did you
YOU MEAN THERE'S
MOTHING iN THiS
FEMINISM FOR ME?
'Bandaid' or major
surgery?
'FEED THE World' has become the fastest selling piece of plastic of all time. Every avbailable record press in Europe is stamping out this nausiating guilttrip that parades itself as music.
Purporting to be al to ing someting practical' relieve the tamine Ethiopia, this record has tapped Christmas market with a huge media LVOC.
Over a century ago Marx explained how the capitalist system masks the basic inequalities that its own social system produces. He also pointed out that the dominant ideas in society are those of the ruling class.
,They present the famine as disaster, exaccerbated by a lack of adequate 'aid'. there is no absolute shortage ot tood in the world The multinational agrobusiness corporations produce cash crops such as
PRUDENCE! WILL
YOU STOPPOGAING
ON THAT TABLE?!!
BANGEDA
BANGEDAZ
know that one of the few Bell cartoons the Gurdian refused to publish was ar early Badger Courage?
worried that portraying the thick arm of the law as corrupt might be libellous!
Reviewed by Carol Turner
Steve Bell stands high above other political cartoonists,, rivalled onlv bi Socialist Action's own Cormac (whose Cormac Strikes Back is still abvailable in some bookshops). He does more than make 'a joke' of
BAH! THAT'S NOT
DEMOCRATIC.
sugar, coffee and cotton, rather than staple foods like wheat and rice.
Food is produced and distributed according to wio cal pay not on the basis of who is in need.
Reviewed by Grant Keir
The idea that famine is caused by natural disasters such as droughts is simDiy not true. Just look at the food mountains the USA and Europe, built up to ensure that food sells at a profit.
The artists who recorded this song work in an industry which produces 1l lusions for millions of DOle DOlL ev lavt fallen for the very illusions
temselves help create.
During the miners' strike, this record - and the OI the liberal outrage about Ethiopia -serves as a diversion from the battle against the Tory government.
It is not surprising that records produced in sup-
Kipling and co
revisited
{WALLYWALLY Y PRUDENCEWALLYWALLY IF YOU DON'T MALYE STOPTHAT THIS
MiNUTE...
PRNDENCE
_STOP THAT!
topical happenings. Thou-
start each day with his
timely comments on the
day's bad news.
May he make many more in 1985....
....BuL, the trouble with
cartoon books is that thej Sutuo y don't enough. So, if you sneak.
ed a read of the inimitable
Bell 'on your way back from the bookshop and
leit yourselt with nothing
for the Great Day, there' a tew others you could try too.
Two women carLOCNSES are just out:
Good Bitch, the first published collection of Angela Martin. and Wonder Wimbim, from Cath Jackson.
Liking to laugh, I've a strong preference for Cath
Jackson. But if you enjoy a good snarl - or want to
see the men in your life squirm with every page of
right-on comment • take a look at Angela Martin's
The Other
Bookshop
328 Upper Street, Islington, London N1 (phone: 01-226 0571)
CHRISTMAS OPENING HOURS: Wednesday 19 to Friday 21 December: open till 7pm Saturday 22 December: open 10am till брm Christmas Eve (Monday): open till 3pm
port of the miners hardly get a mention compared to this Christmas pap.
The 'Enemy Within' have produced a record called Strike. It teatures the speeches of Arthur
Cartoon: STEVE BELL
• DOCTOR DEATH WiLL COME AND LA GETYOU!" haw commenav or lot evils (and conflicts) of sexist sAcid, in that dose of And, varied humour doesn't fill you up, you could alway: turn in desperation to th middle class American angst of Doonesbury's You give great meeting, Sid Bell, onl aga only again, Steve £2.95
• A Good Bitch, Angela Martir The Women's Press, £1.99
• Wonder riimbin, Everyday Stories Feminist Folk, Boooks, 42.95. Battle Books,
• Cormac "Strikes Back:
Resistance Cartoons from the North of Ireland, Cormac, Information on Ireland, 1983, £2.50.
Merry Marxmas To All Our Customers!
All the books reviewed on this page, plus many more diaries, calendars, miners' Christmas cards, etc are available from:
Scargill and others, dubb ed onto a scratch backing track. Every socialist should be blasting it out on Cansunds arowl out the Nation's Number
Page 11 scan of this page
1985 Campaign against rate - capping
News
THE GLC IS spending £853 million at the moment.
package of cuts is demanded of us.
£93 million worth of reserves we could use. haven't said where they're coming from! Our financial experts tell us there are none.
are callof cots. 141 million worth
CULS Their budget includes £5 a week council
rent increases withdrawal of grants to all the voluntary agencies, laying off 1000 Tre fighters, sacking about 2000 of our own staff.
Not only do we want to maintain spending at f853 million, but our budget in-
£100 growth in what we con-
ding our grants policy, environmental improvements, major housing initiatives, that sort of thing.
Our budgetary process has now started. We have
rate precept by 8 March
"The recommendation from the Labour group leadership is that we campaign around our DUULCL - consulting Londoners about the two, ours and budget 1ncluding the cuts. And the
that the GLC refuses to make cuts, by pursuing the tactic of not setting a rate.
There's almost certain-
the Labour group for not
but there's sclune aldic. only a majority of four in
council chamber. It's difficult to say whether or not we'll have a full majority in council.
I have been recommending that if Labour councillors consider they can't support non-compilance
they should stand down at this point in time to allow their constituency
Camden homeless
fight back
CAMDEN'S housing crisis exploded last month when a fire swept bed and breakfast hotel killing Mrs Karim and her two children. Since then, homeless families have been occupying the town hall in protest.
By Fred Leplat, Holborn and St Pancras Labour Party
Camden council has • the most homeless families in London. They're housed in B&B hotels, where space is at a premium and with no basic fire precautions. Many live there for two or three years before iney
After the Karim family deaths, homeless tamiies led delegation the Labour council to demand an immediate improvement in their conditions. Labour councillors gave them such pathetic reception they spontaneously sat-in. And there they' ve been since.
With some honourable exceptions, intransigence has increased the determination. They see themselves as fighting for all London's homeless.
The government target is £785 million. A £68 million
In addition, the government considers we've got
They
party to replace them. The London Labour Party regional executive ports non-compliance, recommending the tactic By John McDonnell, GLC finance chair
It's being pursued now by a number of boroughs: Lambeth, Southwark, Greenwich, Harringay, Newham - the right wing Labour group there are supporting_ as Camden, Islington will. Now we need the GLC and ILEA to stand firm with the boroughs.
What would be best for the government is for the boroughs to be picked off one by one, and the GLC len un taer in tne year That's why we're recommending not setting a rate.
With deficit budget
money until quite late in LIC vca so lie borolans could be picked off. Not setting a rate will bring us all together.
The only Labour borough in London so far which hasn't decided not to set a rate is Hackney. They've gone for a deficit
And support has come flooding in: from council unions, organisations of
homeless, black workers' and
ome local Labour Part members.
Last week 500 people marched from the town hall to the hotel where Mrs Karim died. Such support has taken Camden council by surprise.
Initially, councillors tried to blame these deaths on the striking staff of the homeless families unit. The families themselves pointed out that council policy was the cause.
Faced by determination, the council now claims to have agreed the demands of the homeless Lalles. the rehousing of families harrassed by racist landlords or whose accomodation is unfit for habitation. But the occupation continues — no commitment has yet been made about how and when this agreement will be carried out.
The council's attitude inspires no confidence for the fightback against the
on local government. As long the most disposessed in the community suffer at the hands of the very people who claim to defend them, how can it?
budget, but, because thev ve col do reserve.ls the equivalent of not set-
They would ung a lale. run out of money in days, HOL MOULIS
The London Labour Party has reconvened regional conference January which will have the opportunity to mandate councillors and demonstrate the support of the party for non-compliance.
A latelution mas bec, circulated Hayes and Harlington, to all calling on the Labour group to ix a rate. There's and not to fix a rate. already a ground-swell of support in the parties.
The GLC has supported the setting up of the Democracy London, which we fund by seconding full-time workers to the campaign. nev ve linked up with a similarly supported campaign, London Bridge, which is the borough Haue unions
They have a policy of non-compliance and suD-
Por the chic and tach,
GLC and and are calling on Labour councilors to resign ana allow themselves to be
in Liverpool
now taken up his post.
Since then a daily lobby has been held outside the municipal offices with Laucs council. ASTMS. NALGO and black organisations' banners displayed, and signatures collected to demand the post be readvertised.
Meanwhile, support in the community and the Labour Party for the black caucus position grows. recent combined meeting
Picton Church inner-city wards, after hearing Steve French from the black caucus and
councilor Pauline Dunlop, deputy chair of the personnel committee. overwhelmingly voted to
the call for SUDOUIl readvertisement.
This represents an increase in Labour Party opposition Militant's stance. Already both Mossley Hill and Riverside constituencies have supported NALGO in this dispute.
Support is extending
beyond Liverpool too. On
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replaced if they don't support that.
We've called a London Assembly at the end of February which, after whole series of local meetings, will bring together all the community groups, trade unions people who represent Londoners — to endorse and support our policy. And hopefully during the week budget there'll be demonstra-
dustrial action we're
Black protest continues
SAMPSON BOND, selected by Militant against the wishes of NALGO and Livepool's black caucus as leader of the city council's race relations unit, has
Wednesday 12 December, at a Liverpool conference racial equality and employment, Russell Profitt said he stood tourbehind the black community 1n . Liverpool.
He told the Cu Ceci that in Brent Sam Bond's previous employer — he had never seen Bond involved in race relations work.
By Tim Rigby In Profitt's opinion Liverpool district Labour Party were mixing a recipe for disaster by ignoring the needs and wishes of the black community.
Meanwhile Militant disgraceil manoeuvres to involved block opposition that the Militant controlled DLP and city council have met.
At a joint shop stewards' committee meeting on 17 November Militant porters put an 'emergency' motion in an attempt overturn the Joint Shop
International Viewpoint
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asking for one-day strike.
This will culminate with taking a budget to council on 8 March. On that day we want people at County Hall their thousands in support of our policy and in opposition to the government attack of rate-capping.
Since 1981 London as a whole has lost £3½ million
bloc The GLC alone lost £400 million. We are demanding part of that back,
Photo. TIM PICR
over the Sam Bond appointment Steward's Committee and Liverpool NALGO's support for a boycott crude attempt tc divide and rule in a way which is becoming al too much a part of Militant's methods in Liverpool.
The motion was carVIEWPON
Socialist Action 21 December 1984
SAVE THÈ GL.C.
DEFEND THE ILE.A.
plus a rate reduction and a growth programme.
The vital thing now is CHOSES and community activists to get invo ved in that campaien If we don't win on rate-
will come to an end on 8 March. That's how critical it is.
The campaign against rate-capping is the same theme the miners' strike. We're both seeking
jobs and vices, and communities wole will Militant's hero Derek Hatton is rapidly losing support
ried, after a heated argument. and members walked out. Pete Cresswell, JSSC secretary and himself a member o NALGO, read a statement saying he resigned because he could not be a member of a body which scabbed on disputes.
Socialist Action
no 84, will appear on 11 January.
11 go to the wall if rate capping goes through. It's exactly the same struggle.
We've got to make sure that that struggle is united similar time Because the failure of the TUC, it Strike could go on mil ese looks miners' spring.
We need to make sure that the two struggles coalesce. That will strengthen the GLC's arm and bring about a victory that will hasten the defea of this government.
Militant's attempt at reversing the JSSC's posi tion has failed, however. executive meeting decided that the motion was not a valid emergency.
That wa upheld by • general
and Pete Cresswell to re quests remain secretary.
local labour All this council District
struggles arails!
The present disunity the daily Before
the Sam
posedly counter
rassing'.
Stop The Lesbian and Gay Ban! Lobby Rugby Council!
Tuesday 8 January
Assemble:
Rugby Town Hall, 6.30pm
Socialist Action
NEXT ISSUE
Don't be appearing for two weeks during the Christmas and New Year break. Our next issue,
Order your copy now.
Page 12 scan of this page
WHEN PIET Botha launched his new 'reformed'
The pathetic turnout in
elections to this alled parliament was clear
roof of the rejection of this plan.
In its fury, the regime mumed uDon those who had organised resistance to the new constitution and marged a boycott of the elecLions the United Democratic Front (UDF)
LCaLUC. many of the trade headed by FOSATU. Peaceful demonstrations WC1C viciously assaulted by massive display of force by the police and the military; leaders were arrested mai security Act, whic-
Security Act, which alleres detention without tra.
Repression
The most notorious case of this repression was the Durban Six the six taiers of the UDF who
first released from detention and then served with new detention orders from they temporarily escaped by taking cruge in tne brush coll suiate in Durban.
Although the 'Durban SiT were originally detain.
Not their tivities in organising the election boycott a campaign in which the only violence came from the forces of 'law and order'
they now face much more serious charges. They have now been charged with treason, which carries the possibility of the death penalty.
The state plans to call more than 150 witnesses in
trial a procedure recalis 11 -famous treason trial of
wien 150 black leaders, including Nelson Mandela, WaTC charged. This trail dragged on for four years before collapsing for lack of evidence.
Inland 6 months f8; 12 months (15 Overseas (12 months onlv)
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SOCiAKI
ACTION
th African constitution he had two sims in mind. wanted to appease world opinion by showing he was making a move away from the hard, al apartheid policies of his predecessors. But, ve all, he sought to divide the non-white popula-
by giving 'privileges' to sections of it through tri-cameral parliament which gave a limited franse to the officially designated 'coloureds' and In-
Two of those now facing trial were among the accused in that case Archie Gumede, the 71 year-old Co-president of UDF and Billy Nair, one of the Durban Six. search for 150 witnesses willing to testify against the acused will undoubtedly be an excuse for gigantic campaign of harassment by the South African over the next few months.
sified its campaign against
independent and black several of whose leaders, including Chris Diamini, president of FOSATU, have been detained.
The Botha regime finds itself on the horns of dilemma Internally faced not only with intensified struggle by the organisations of national
growing opposition of the
Afrikaner camp. In a reCell hitherto National Govern-
Parine
hold Rand. the government onv lust managed to retain the seat against the extreme right Conservative Party.
The Conservative Par-
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Ye roerd ideal of totale wants to maintain the open apartheid, complete
displays "kragdadigheid' (absolute power) enforced bv the sjambok, the rifle and the hangman's rope. The Conservative Party's supporters see even the farcical Botha 'reforms' as the thin edge of the wedge which wil ultimately spell an end to white rule in South Africa.
On the other hand, even in the United States, Reagan has been forced by massive demonstrations and pressure also from within the Republican Par ty, distance somewhat from the more
This is because American big business. which has huge stakes South Africa, fear that the struggle of the oppression will not simply end with the abolition colour bar.
The UDF subscribe to the Freedom
ularLer adopted by the Congress of People in 1955 This seeks to limit the struggle
the first place building on the common desire for full democracy among all race groups and a national struggle to win
n other words, a nationa
But the National Forum
nanlicsle declares: 'the struggle
apartheid more than point of departure in our liberation efforts. Apartheid will be eradicated with the system of capitalism.' ' This is what imperialism really fears. Students demonstrate in Soweto
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ciples of democratic socialism
tion is not a 'political clarification'
Skinner,
Nevertheless the statement is going to be an interesting document. Therefore let us point out for it a few of the differences between Marxists and Neil Kinnock on the question of democracy.
Marxists support the right of workers panies to elect the directors of companies and to pursue workers control of production. Neil Kinnock rejects this and believes workers should be subject to unelected directors and managers or, at best, should have token presence on a board which is composed not of workers but shareholders
Marxists that judges and state officials should elected. Neil Kinnock rejects elections and democracy in this field and believes judges and state officials should be appointed from above
A little democracy
AT ITS meeting last week the Labour Party NEC decided to draw up a document explaining the prin-
against Marxists within the Labour Party. The real aim of this opera-
at all but an organisational witch hunt — which is why Dennis
Tony Benn, Joan Maynard, Eric Heffel and the rest of the left were dead right to oppose it.
without election. The result is not merely a series of judges and state officials who hand out anti-working class judgements but a complete ot democracy in this entire the apparatus.
By John Ross
Marxists stand for full trade union and political rights for those in the armed forces. Neil Kinnock on the contrary supports an anti-democratic system of military law which deprives those in the armed forces of any rights and makes them the shock troops for a military coup both in Britain and every country in the world.
Marxists stand for the democratic right of women, and blacks,
South Africa:
a government
at bay
elect their own representatives on the NE( i of the Labour Party — Neil Kinnock opposes it.
No control
A Marxist critique of parliament is not that it
democratic but that not democratic enough. not sufficient for real
exist that democracy people can put a cross on a piece of paper every five years and then have no control over their representatives. Marxists believe that real democracv does not exis as long as people do not have the right to vote on the control of their community, their firm, and every other question which confronts them. Neil Kinnock on the contrary wants to restrict the right to vote within narrow confines
Finally Marxists believe that no real
exist long as the control of the economy remains in the hands of tarbitrary unelected centres
Black South African miners private economic power. Only by making the centres of • economic power subject to democratic control by public, democratically accountable, ownership the major industries and by promonon of cooperatives and similar venlures in ouner sonere. can real democracy in society be achieved.
No vote
Neil Kinnock on the Contraly economy should be left in the hands of individuals, their more whim, and witt and companies, who no vote • of their workforce, can, and have, placed literally millions of people on the dole.
In short, at every point Marxist stands for the extension of democracy and Neil Kinnock stands for its restriction.
But forget about any possibility that the commission the NEC will bother to state that truth.
← Socialist Action No. 82, 14 December 1984Socialist Action No. 84, 11 January 1985 →