le workers had not as yet provided the olitical prerequisites for nationalisanor • yet seized the not yet created allacillcill. rgans essential for this.' Furthermore: "The proletariat ... is terested in seeing to it that the transion from the private capitalist to the ate capitalist and then to the socialist ethod of production be accomplished ith the least nd the least drain upon the national ealth. That is ower and even after seizing power by ay of the boldest and most decisive ruggle, the proletariat amonstrate complete Teles tablish a transitional regime in ectories, plants, and banks.
The foundations of this reasoning te partly political, partly technical. et us examine the ine empioyers i kussia sabotazed oduction extensively during the mons prior to the revolution and for some afterwards, hoarding stering monstrous inflation, and so L. Indeed, the bouregoisie invariably barks on economic sabotage dur• periods of revolutionary unheaval. atly out of fear for the future of rate property, partly in a spirit of chievous obstruction. The means of dation, distribution, and exchange Russian proletariat therefore zi? tar-reaching measures to technical the apparatus for around Bukharin disagreed with COVISORs the National Economy. while nearing will The goods, must learn from tier perience the needs people.
designed count of the difficulties The Bolsheviks had considerable difficulty in organising a nation-wide running industry. through December 1917, for example, the group and Radek, which restrict Lenin's policy favoured immediate nationalisation of all major industry, secured the creation of Vesenkha, the Supreme Council of But even they