SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

PLO abandons national liberation Arafat's road: a sorry end

· Socialist Action No. 92, 8 March 1985 · p. 5 of the scan · 962 words

The scan: 092-mar-08-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 5 of the scan

LAST WEEK'S joint statement by Yasser Arafat and King Hussein of Jordan calling for a Palestinian 'state' on the West Bank and Gaza, federated with Jordan, marks the abandonment of the PLO's historic goal of national liberation for the Palestinian people - 'a democratic, secular Palestine'. The statement is the culmination of a process of redefining the PLO's objectives which started with Arafat's 1974 call for the establishment of a West Bank statelet.

Ironically, the proposal for a Palestinian 'entity federated with Jordan identical to the proposal forward Israeli DUE prime minister Begin in the mid-1970s, position zzncnenen e s!

Israeli of Lebanon in 1978 The crucial operative part of the bact signed bv Arafat and Hussein is the proposal that a Palestinian 'entity' federated with Jordan be exchanged for 'peace' in the Middle East words the Ulilcl recognition of the state of Israel by the PLO. The Husse n -A ramal Intiative been cooked Saudi gelnel willl une Arabian monarchy. - paymasters of both Hussein Arafat. week King Fahd issued a joint statement with canng lor secunlty 10l all states in the region and the excrcist ot the icalllale rights of the Palestinian people' :Evidently the objective of Fahd and Hussein is to attempt ILLISG Lne weight of the United States pressurise s aells into talks. But it has to be said that despite the utter reliance of the crisis-ridden Israeli US clouly support, political factors in the United STates make it extremely difficult tor any Us government to impose policies on sTaes Just a month before the with BOIN cecarauon Hussein, Arafat proclaimed ois conunucu comnnuncul to the 'armed struggle'. But that with cvc volc Kuuws the dispersal of the pro•Arafat fighters to eight Arab lands, the devastating split in the Arafat has fighting forces in a position to engage Israel.

The largest concentration of Fedayeen fighters is the anti-Arafat forces in Syria - and the Syrians have no intention whatever of letting them anywhere near the Israelis.

The one factor which might encourage the Israelis to seek peace talks is tne continuing strife _oT eD where their troops allvl! nave Deen ooracawi. harassed by Shiite tighters Hussein as they withdrew to the Alawi river, and where the Israeli puppet 'buffer forces', the South Lebanese Army, has collapsed.

But for the Israelis the OuTV worth while settlement in the Middle East would be one which volved general recognition of Israe by all the Arab states. Such genelai PRE:

Arafat peace only be delivered with the participation and agreement of the Syrians. But Syria's Assad, who still holds the whip hand in Lebanon, ls implacably hostile Arafat and aus selr anu will not go in behind any initiative of theirs Assad is desperate for US recognition as the key leader of the Arab world and the diplomatic mill tary and economic advantages which would accrue to him Crom suco a recog. niuon. But to manue as , the tront line Arab leader, and the subvenuon - OM the Gulf states Russia which mantan as cosav armv Assad cannot possibly b seen as the leader eager t settle with Israel.

Overall then the dream Arab recognition. Israel seems far off. Israel has little interest in a deal with Arafat who has nothing to trade with. Why bother give an inch of sraell-held territorv in ex doe. the Palestinian movement find itself this with liliass Arafat dragged along by Hussein and Fahd and the opposition beholden to the Syrians? The decline of the PLO as credible force 1970 win en KiSe Ptussein wnen kne nussel now aaace with tamed Arafat, launched his bloody attack and drove Palestinians 11 U1l Jordan.

This episode showed ACne see ol Ene PLO, its dependence on the reactionary bourgeois semi-feudal Arab rulers Without strateg! wnIca based itselt CO 0 strategic alliance with the workers ana oeasallt the Middle East. which would have meant fighting against imperialist-backed Zionism and all forms Arab reaction, the gambled on being able to out-manoeuvre reactionary backers. Sacrificing independence. suct became increasingly difficult Despite the leftis: demagogy of leaders like Hawatmeh of the DemePopular Front fo: Craul the Liberation of Palestine (DPFLP) and Habash e: the Popular Front for the Liberation of (PFLP), CIN C PLO has never above bourgeois and ner bourgeois nationalism has never been the kind movement that could buric an alliance of the expl ited oppressed Middle East The proof pudding is in the eating. I:

Lebanon the PLO built = vast bureaucratic apparate: awash with Saudi mone:

Despite the personal her:ism of many PLO fighters the movement acted a mosI autonomou apparatus with Suale •ureaucrall CUlII mandist attitude to the FoI Lcualicsi Illasses Lebanese worker:

the PLO were the tax col lectors and local bureauThe bitter truth is clals that many the Lebanese left regarded the PLO apparatus with hostof military struggle Arab governments coulc never work. Arafat's 'new road craver capitulation to the Hashemite monarchy and imperialism None of the other wings of the PLO can put forward anything better, other than rote repetition of the old strategy Only the rebuilding of the movement on a completely new political bası can rearm the Palestiniar res staice Whatever Arafat and Hussein think, the Palestinian masses will never accept the existence of the Israeli state or tne fate of being herded into Jordanian 'Bantustans Iveltner will ine mass or ln Arab people accept such a total capitulation to Zion ism.

Ever •since the ation of the PLO from eval Beirut the HO VC ment has been debating the way forward. Answers car only come on the basis of a reappraisa of the whole history and strategy of the PLO Arafat's road has come lo a soruid and sort. end.

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with the tacit approval of the

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