Socialist Action No. 97, 12 April 1985
The scan: 097-apr-12-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
& DECID
STUDENTS M
been rushed through parliament Children ENOCH (Protection) POWELL's
and has its final reading on
May. If it becomes law the anti-
abortionists will be rubbing their
hands with glee. Ever since John
defeated Corrie's anti-abortion Bill
looking for a back door method
of attacking the 1967
Act.
Bill, as its title implies, is that it gives The key point about the Powell
easily lead to abortior code and the the embryo legal status.
tives,
morning-after pill, being made illegal in the courts.
The Bill is directly aimed at bannembryo. This research, ing experimentation through the method of in vitro fer- for une treatment tilisation. into the cause of infertility, handicap If passed it will prevent research and new methods of contraception. It could lead to licensed motherhood's. have test tube babies. determine who can and who cannot where the secretary of moralism in the Tory party, The resurgence of right rise of Thatcher, has given rich soil to anti-abortionists. The overwhelming
SoCiAList
ACTION
UXBKIDGE
WE
Unborn Bill has
in 1980 they have been was
Abortion
This could and
on the human is invaluable infertility
state could to the pro-Powell shadow Dewar, Michael wing with the
voted for the Bill. Forty four for, only 41 against. Among those who went in-
cabinet ministers - lobby were three Donald Labour MPs failed to turn up to vote! Smith. One hundred and twenty two Cocks alle John
FIGHT POWELL'S
BILL
defeated by the huge mobilisation John Corrie's attack in 1980 was
TUC-sponsored labour movement through
October
committment to the struggle for jobs miners' strike, women showed the tion rights. to rally in defence of women's abor- it's the turn of the labour movement by standing solid with the NUM. Now
79. During the year-long demonstration the
of their lives Not
movement, Make
the vengeance. see page 3.
passed at the Women's TUC oppos emergency resolution wa
movement to mobilise against Powell ing this Bill, and calling on the labour
has always worked closely with labour The National Abortion Campaign
movement organisations knows that it is working class women because it
up and down the country to explain contraception are not freely available. who will suffer most if abortion and Public meetings must be organised fertility and therefore greater control women to gain greater control of thei the issues involved in this Bill. trolled research on embryos will help Con
ding that every section of the labour bombarded with resolutions deman- NEC of the Labour Party must be only the TUC but also the tatives in parliament, oppose this Bill including our represen organisation is present on Saturday 27 April in London. The fight to defend sure the banner of your
'67 Abortion Act is on with a • For details of the demonstration
Page 2 scan of this page
Wright attack on
Socialist Action
Socialist
ActioN
Fight not fudge
THE ALLIANCE of George Wright,
Duffy and Lord Frank Chapple with Fleet
Street, the SDP and employment secretary
Tom King which has launched the current
attack on the TGWU
feature of the struggle that is now unfolding
in the labour movement. Their aim is a fun-
damental shift to the right in the labour
movement, while strengthening state con-
trol of the unions.
Kinnock's evolution to the right is an attempt
to adapt to this threat rather than fight it. His
project is to link the centre with the hard right.
With the weight of the state
behind tnem, it will, in the end, be the right who
will dictate the terms of this alliance.
The danger of this approach is evident. A bit-
ter fight must be waged against it. Unfortunate
ty, Kinnock has dragged with him some sections of the left who are in retreat in the face of the
Tory assault.
This
tacks. It opens the door to the new realist right.
The retreat is justified by claims that workers
will not fight after the defeat of the miners. The
only course therefore is to avoid confrontation
and wait for the next election. Unity behind Kin-
nock is the watchword.
Such unity is spurious. It will not defend the
working class. Even if it were successful in electoral terms it would lead to a government of the
Wilson-Callaghan type
demoralising blows against the movement. It is
more likely to lead to a parliamentary pact with the Alliance.
In any case the argument is false. The end of the miners' strike has not led to demoralisation and defeat. The fighting back. We have seen the evidence with railworkers, postal workers and teachers.
The problem is not a lack of ability of workers to fight. The problem is a trade union and Labour Party leadership which is not willing to lead the 5 The Scargill wing is a minority in the labour
leadership.
movement. But it is a minority with a potential for leading mass struggles.
This was clear in the local government cam.
paign. But that campaign was marred by unity
between those who and those who hid behind left talk and actually prepared the retreat
The left did not fight this development sharply enough or early enough. We must learn the lesson. The half-way house have been the dominant tradition of the labour left, cannot deal with the most ferocious assault on the working class since World War Il.
Even from a minority position, the left must fight to pose the issues clearly before the move ment. We must fight fake unity.
In the past six years the left has gone through st C4Sto to the the deputy leadership can saigt of '74 to the deputy leadership and the NGA dispute. qualitatively sharpened this development. Continuing this fight is the only way to develop the struggle against the Tories leadership that the movement needs.
Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the last week of December.
Signed articles by contributors do not necessarily represent Socialist Action's views. pressed in editorials. send all correspondence regarding subscriptions, sales and receipts to Socialist Action Distribution, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP Send all material for publication (including advertising) to Socialist Action Editorial at the same address He regret that due to the high cost of postage we cannot return or acknowledge unsolicited copy or photographs unless accompanied by a stamped addressed envelope.
19 April 1985 Terry
will be a constant and the media retreat not only encourages more at-
which would strike
working class is capable of Its base is also a minority in the
genuinely wanted to fight,
positions, which campaign The miners' strike has
and secure the These are ex-
TGWU
THE CAMPAIGN against the TGWU being waged by the media in alliance with the right wing of the labour movement is the most sustained attack on a trade union since the campaign against the ETU from 1956-62. It represents a concerted drive by the new realist right and the bourgeoisie to achieve a major shift in the balance of forces in the labour movement.
The TGWU, with 1.5 million members key role in the TUC and in the Labour Party. it were to fall into the hands of the right wing it would
• a nuge boost to the Duffy-Hammond wing of the movement
The general secretary of the TGWU holds enor mous power In the hands of Bevin and his successor Deakin, the post was used to maintain a solid right wing bloc which dominated the labour ment from 1926 to 1956.
The Daily Mail and Lord Frank Chapple thaterse TaW is early understand clearly the recomposition that is taking place in the labour movement after the miners' strike. The right and centre are making a concerted ettort to incor porate the soft left, from
ivingstone to the euro isolate unise Benn-Scargil and isolate the wing of the movement
The miners' strike was a major blow to the 'new realist' project which Chapple unvelled al the 1983 TUC. This is why the 'ballot rigging scandal' has surfaced after 11 months.
The right were waiting for the outcome of the miners' strike, Lo pardat their 'concern' for democracy. On this point it is worth noting that all the allegations are so far concentrated on areas where Todd won the vote.
Wright's vote, avparently, has been above suspicion. This HUSCISC TGWU elections, particularly for the general occiclaly. have always to some extent been
clash 'machines'.
There are reports of turnouts of up to 100 per cent in Wales, Wright's stronghold.
The election last year resulted in the narrowest of victories for Todd. In TGWU terms, the margin A' PIECE
/Why, l ask myself,
should the South African
ambassacor co britair
want to visit Belfast?
of 45,000 was tiny. margin of 425,000; in 1969 1956, JOnC seat 300,000; 1977. Evans had over 230,000 The change is significant.
The rise of Cousins to some extent and much more so of Jones and Evans reflected the growth of the shop stewards movement. Their base lay in the trade sections, most particularly in cars.
this base has
port etc. has taken
swung back the regions, there are many branches.
Scotland.
finely the
very great. to both camps.
concern for in the
extended taking look
the who would decisive
paign: is the union's voice'.
DULL. Daily
ASTION
Could it be that he believes that the regime which he represents could learn something from the British in dealing with an unruly population?
MAA:
UNION
SIRENETE
the 1984 strike
executive is out of touch with the rank and file. They backed Tony Benn for leader of the Labour Party when the members didn't want him.
Difference
Wales regional secretary, and as general secretary the Waler TUC, he has stood consistenly on lue light. He played major role derailing moves towards a Wales general strike durIng the sieel surike. Tie Is a Arteur Seargipponent determined of
His readiness to ally with such figures as Lord Chapple is therefore not new His calls for a nev ballot backed up with the threat of the courts, has left the executive with little choice Even if the biennial delegate conference in June rejected Wright, a protracted campaign with the courts involved would only damage the union.
There is no doubt that
But as long
to the joys of the
What more do they want?
A striking Notts miner presents Ron Todd with a commemorative tea towel during
High Court would back Wright. It is far better call the election through the channels of the union than have foisted on the TGWU by the courts. In particular, the workplace ballots method of election must be defended against the 'Tories the SDP , and the labour right. This will be a big issue in the event of a
Repression
Ron Todd's declaration that he would favour a re-run if the executive so decides is a correct step. It is vital that the union sorts the matter out, not the courts.
The union's internal inquiry SHould proceed.
This is not the time to be stampeded by media pressure. Wright's claims Exposesloyalty should be exposed. re-run becomes necessary the left must sieze the initiative.
The challenge now is to
ago as the Boer wars the British devised and introduced these people
concentration camp!
NATIONA
inflict a decisive defeat on Wright and his new realist and media allies The pro spects lor lne lelt in a re vote are not unfavourable. he election this timi would almost certainly be straight fight between Todd and Wright. Last time there were three other candidates. Todd 1s ne more likely beneficiary The real challenge for the left, however, would be to run a genuinely mass open • campaign. The emphasis must be on winning TAer vote, not merely delivering it.
The trade sections, and the shop steward Or usalu still laVe plenty of weight. The weak stand taken by the TGWU over the £250,000 fine in the Austin-Rover strike and the failure to campaign effectively for support for the miners will not win mass votes.
Issues must be squarely posed: for leadership that will stand and fight, or for a retreat
Tories with Kinnock and the right wing? •SORMAC
Let's face it... the South Africans have already learnt all they need to know from the Brits....
...and the Brits have nothing to learn from the South Africans!
Page 3 scan of this page
Labour and Powell
TO0 O a1V
and the HOraLC
was
make hne
Sulce
on the
were reduced to two and
the social
was cruse
SUE LLOYD is an executive member of the Labour Abortion Rights Campaign. She gave this interview to SOCIALIST ACTION about the Labour Party
«DOTEOus out.
In
Lne
Young women will be jorced into backstreet
No!
OPPOSE THE POWELL BILL!
DEMONSTRATE
SATURDAY
27 APRIL
ASSEMBLE
1PM LINCOLNS INN FIELDS
WC2 RIGHTS FOR EMBRYOS MEANS RIGHTS TAKEN AWAY FROM WOMEN! tion Campalgn, Wesley House, 70 Great Queen Street, London WC2 BA)
Reverse Gillick
SINCE LAST DECEMBER young women under 16 have been unable to get contraceptive and abortion advice or treatment without parental consent following the Court of Appeal ruling in the case of Victoria Gillick versus the Department of Health and Social Security. appeal against thi reling On 24 June the DHSS mobilising material will be available on the goes the House demonstration on 27 April _ords The National and a special bulletin is be Abortion Campaign have ing produced by NAC called a demonstration for The march will start Sunday 23 June. from This event has already 11.30am in order to reach won the backing of the Na- Jubilee _time tional Union of Students for a rally and gig. Young and the Labour Party peoble's organisations wil Young Socialists and the se well represented on the date has been chosen with plattorm. young people in mind. With • plenty of time to organise this should be large demonstration The By Leonora Lloyd campaign .against Powell will be a key mobilising point. The organisers are u w ke bace due particulariy keen to ensure the majority of school ex- that school students are aminations have finished. aware ot the campaign ane A Sunday has been chosen leaflets and posters will be because Hilall school produced with them students work on Satur- mind. days Sponsorship and SuD Over 200 organisations port from unions at a local and individuals concerned level should include sub. with the welfare of young sidising transport costs to people have supported the ensure the maximum campaign so far and they number of young people are eing approached can get to the demonstraSPONSOr this cemoista- tion tion. If the House of Lords The main slogans will upholds the Appeal Court snl Under Ves arte people Victoria's runng the demonstration reverse Gillick' wil be the start of a campaign ensure not Gillickroperty. reverse Department of Health sponsors a bill to get the Badges and other ruling reversed.
Socialist Action 19 April 1985 3
Abortion Resn
for Labour
Women's
Conference
The following resolution is submitted for the
sixtieth annual conference of Labour
Women which will be held this year in
Bournemouth, 16-18 June.
Resolution 15
This conference gives full make provision in each support present district for comprehenAbortion Act and would sive SCE Vilc. (informaresist any alteration put- tion, clinics, day care ting a time limit on the surgery after-care), availability of abortion enabling women to exer-
Many woman who cise their rights to conshould want one. trol mner owi aves
It calls on the next Windsor and MaidenLabour government to head CLP
Amendment
This conference also: plied in line with party a) calls on the next policy on abortior SADOIT government to c) calls on the NEC to decriminalise abortion, campaign for, and the as being the best way to next Labour government ensure that women wil to implemen of the 1967 exter have the right to choose SIUlI b) believes that MP's tion Act (and any imconsciences should not provements to the Act) be allowed to be exer- to the Six Counties, Norcised against the interests thern Ireland. of working class women and that therefore the Ealing-Acton Women's party whip should be ap. Section
STOP, THE
POWELL SILL
WOMEN BEFORE
EMBRYOS
Page 4 scan of this page
4
Coalville
jobs
under
attack
THROUGHOUT THE miners' strike, Roy Butlin, - one of the leaders of the Coalville railworkers who refused to shift coal, warned that Coalville would be victimised for their principled stand in support of the miners. He often added that the losses incurred during the miners' strike would be used as the excuse to carry out line and depot closures which were already part of British Rail's local closure plans.
Only six weeks after
miners returned to work, Butlin has been proven right. Last Monday Hallasel informed shop stewards that 11 jobs were to go by 13 May, including nine shunters, guard and a driver.
Menu of the meeting, the union side orcca a paral reurcal but only saved railworker's job.
Coalville men won't be he only victims. The workers al depot *ho were divided over the miners sinike are lo lose serween 60 and 80 jobs.
As Butlin told Socialist furion: This proves that mating doesn't save your 10b. Management draws up its plans to cul Jods lo suit them regardless
MuCH WUIKCIS CUlaborate with them. And he same thing will happen in the pits.
These job losses were not unexpected. Coalville men returnéd to full working after the miners' strike, to find train crews from Leicester, Bescott and Bedford learning their routes.
Notts Socialist
Action dayschool
SEVENTY-five people attended the Nottingham Socialist Action Miners' day school last Saturday. In. attendance were representatives from South Derbyshire, South Yorkshire, from the Leicester 'Dirty Thirty', and Coalville railworkers.
Despite Thatcher's success defeating the
unle LUOU meeting was one of real determination to continue the fight.
voteen Humber Sue Petney, women from Blidworth pained that the defence of
imprisoned miners provided, a focus
Socialist Action 19 April 1985
Management is doing nothing other than using its age old tactic of divide and rule, setting one group ot workers against another competing for jobs. Plans
clearly ulluci way transfer work away from Coalville so there will be no basis for keeping the depot open.
Butlin explained: 'The miners tell us that the strike over, but the dispute not. the same for us. After 49 weeks or pain and nara ship, Coalville men are not ready to sit back and see their depot close.
'These plans are nothing other than punishment for our loyalty to our union. We fought against harrassment of our members before, and we will do it again.
"The one day strike in Scotland against the loss
1200 jobs Caley souks let Glasgow should know that just handing over a 4.8 per cent rise won't stop railworkers defending their jobs.' for organisation among all those who had supported the strike.
Roy Butlin, Coalville NUR, highlighted
ICH moves the British Railways board, to CURL tinue the victimisation of Coalville railworkers because of their refusal to
coal during the dispute.
The British Rail board are unreatening une loss ol 11 jobs at Coalville and evidence is already coming to light that they are planning close the depot
allo fether.
meeting heard speakers Newham 7, and the Cen-
solidarity Amental. campaign. John Ross spoke for Socialist Action
'criminal' offences during
fought for their jobs, backed up by the apparatus of the state.
Kinnock and Willis too must share the blame. They could more than most in
sure that no one went to jail DY MODES ing the full support of the whole working stop pit closures.
National Organisation Miners Prisoners and Supporters (NOMPAS) has been set
In OI the prisoners and to campaign
win their freedom. Against the VIeW or the miners which Labour
Marching for jobs
Miners' Support Committee.
We set off from Ashford Hospital in Middle-
after hearing from SOX, Cliff, steward in the catering department of the hospital, who explained that 248 domestic workers there were threatened with redundancy.
The area health authority has plans
services at Ashford and
services Ashford West Middlesex and up to 350 job cuts are •cule robuscu
The march passed through all the major high streets Hounsiow borough, and got a good response from local people.
Our first stop was the Hounslow Trade Union Unemployed Centre, where the AUEW convenor from Magilatex, Chander Prakash, spoke to us about de ge to save the factory from Closur C
Magnatex is an engineering factory which was savea because or suppor from the Greater London GULCEDESC Board. by the GLC to fight for jobs in London. Chander told us that the workers at
NOMPAS says No to victimisation
THOSE MINERS locked up in prison cells must feel pig sick when they hear Neil Kinnock saying he's not in favour of an amnesty for miners who committed
the strike. The real criminals aren't the labour movement militants who
but the Tory government
leader Neil Kinnock is peddling, NOMPAS secretary X111 Seige, Martin Walker makes it clear that thesi are ordinary working class timised by the state and the "The campaign against the miners was an exhibition of state violence,' he Days 'orchestrated state criminalisation of an organised section of the working class. Thatcher used the courts and the ponce to solve a pontical problem.
NEARLY £1000 was raised last Saturday for victimised miners on a sponsored march for jobs in West London. Forty of us were joined by a contingent of miners from Whitwell pit in North Derbyshire on the 15 mile march, organised by Hounslow Mousands of pounds for Mágnatex had the striking miners because UM wasleading the fight realised that the against unemployment.
By Hilary Driver, secretary Hounslow Miners' Support Committee
in the afternoon we made a small detour from the TOULC ave Jobs' wreath at the United Biscuits, where 2000 work-
there by who had been an USDAW steward at the factory, who said that the only way to prevent clo. suas to right the miners redundancies The march was an unqualified success, and achieved its aim of raising much-needed support for victimised miners, and linking up their fight with une fight for jobs in Hounslow.
The Hounslow Miners'
Support Committee continulig plan activities to raise money and
NUVILTE
The miners prisoners because they are trade unionists - and we
There are now between 50 and &0 NUM militant in prison. Some have been released after serving short DCITCHCO still awaiting trial. But many are
The latest issue of The Miner national levy ballot wasn't operase tre member ship voted against the sacked men. because many saw the levy
would discourage the union from mehting hard for reinstatement of the 600 miners sacked so far that they refused to support the levy.
Local areas have already started to arrange pit collections to support support for the victims of the Coal Board's purges including plans for a West London forum on employment local and national speakers
Bill and Tony
thur Scargill and
SATION
the sacked men and their families while the reinstatement fight on. It is vital that the rest of the labour movement responds the NUM's call to give these militants support.
'The labour movement
responded to the imprisonment dockers in 1972, but failed to do so in tne case or unt Shrewsbury buiding worker, Des Warren, jailed for conspiracy to inMartin Walker. "The movement let the Shrewsbury workers down We don't want repeat that.' The number of trade unionists victimised as a result ol this dispute is higher than the British labour moveThe Third Socialist Action
International Miners Solidarity Meeting
Lessons of the Miners' Strike
Snowdown Colliery Welfare Club (New Club), Saturday 20 April
Aylesham, Kent
Speakers invited include Kay Sutcliffe; Terry Harrison
(sacked miner, Betteshanger); Joe Mohammed; Roy Butlin;
Campaign Group MP and a speaker from the Fourth
International.
Video: Days of Hope
Inter atland, Belgium, West Germany and the Damark,
Registration will take place from 10am.
First session starts at llam.
Transport: British Rail from Victoria to Aylesham, Kent.
Road by the A2 to Dover.
Coaches from London Saturday morning/
creche and accommodation Friday or Saturday night:
Telephone 01-254 0128.
Benn or Dennis Skinner.
Socialist Action supporters in West. London port to the Socialist Action International Miners' idarity Meeting in Kent this coming Saturday.
NIGO ment has experienced for decades.
NOMPAS to begin publishing a newspaper in a few weeks time. They are pressing for prisoners committees be established in every area to support the relatives of campaigning on amnesty.
To make its point, NOMPAS is planning national march in June in support or an amnesty for the militants who are victims of the lory state
• The National Organisation of Miners Prisoners and Supporters can be
Road Kings Cross, Lon don N1. • For details of transport
Kent meetin, telephone Pete on 2420. Hounslow Miners' Support Committee can be contacted c/o l8 staine Road, Hounslow, Middx. Tel: 01-572 3764.
Page 5 scan of this page
Militant imperialism?
Black sections: where do Militant stand?
ference by the Liverpool black caucus.
branches less than last year
Britain for sixty years.
JOHN 'ROSS looks at the
Grant's violent outburst against the lessons
dynamic of the miners' strike.
For bally on the left
Militant's politics seem to
represent a paradox. Mili-
tant combines extreme sec-
tarianism, resolute hostili-
ty to black sections, op-
SUS LOn lo lne demaros or
the Women's Action
Committee in the Labour
Party, with violent con-
demnation of the national
struggle in Ireland, sup-
port for strikes, a militant
struggle by Liverpool city
council last year, and
capitulation to British imperialism over issues such
Malvinas (Falk-
lands) war. All these posi-
tons are acmoace or continual rhetoric presen-
ting socialsm as the "nationalisation of the top 250
monopolies'.
appears by turns, and sometimes at
sectarian, ultra-left, and ex-
The apparent inconof Militant's stences
positions however rapidly
OCCOnIC Clear willer
positions are considered in terms of the tundamental categories of Marxism.
Militant's politics sent what Lenin termed "imperialist economism'
lial is a current in the workers' movement which
apparently radical and even ultra-left, realitv represents an adan. tation and capitulation to imperialism within the working class movement.
Lenin in his famous book What is to be done stresses that by itself even Ine most militant economic struggle of LACI type etTHE CHALLENGE of the black sections to the right wing leadership of the NEC is becoming more explosive every day. Black sections are really testing out how far the leadership, will go in order to exclude black people from having their rights in the Labour Party. The new loyalty oath to be imposed on the London CLPs will not allow black sections to take part in the selection process. If the CLPs allow black sections to take part, then their parliamentary candidates will not receive official support and recognition.
This is a clear message to tie black community by the Labour leadership: we
UNC deny you your rights in the
Party you your own representation. The duty of socialists in such a situation is a simple URC• fight this witchhunt tactic. It is to launch a campaign for the CLPs to give black people rights to participate through the hack sections in the selection No loyalty oaths must be imposed to break the movement for black sections.
A major question in all this is stance will
tack launched by Militant on Arthur Scargill and his leadership of the miners' strike. It also saw an open clash between the black community and Militant at the 300-strong fringe meeting organised at YS con-
The LPYS conference itself was attended by 50
and with far fewer miners present than a year previously. All this after 12 months of the greatest peace time class struggle in
reasons for Ted and
phasises — remains consistent with capitalist politics and capitalist domination or tie working class.
Lenin "trade of working class is precisely bourgeois politics of the working class' and 'working class trade unionist politics is precisely workpolitics Glass bourgeois
cise form saar The
precise formula: economic struggle of the workers is very often con-
LICCLCU.. with bourgeois
politics,' and even, in certain circumstances. 'trade unionism means the ideological enslavement of Ine workers by the bourgeoisie.
Ine laci lnal ll supports or pursues militant economic struggles would not in itself rule out Milicarl cvel Delng bourgeois reformist current — although for other reasons Militant is obvious v not a capitalist cur. rent within the working class.
In order for a current represent really revolutionary force within the labour movement must serene are mered of all the exploited and op-
tional and international of the class struggle.
In Lenin's words, Marxism: the working class in its relation to all classes of modern society and to the state as an organised political force. Hence it follows that not only must
democrats (the Militant take. Will ther join the fight against these right wing attacks? Will they stand on the sidelines and refuse to defend these CLPs on the question of the loyalty oath? Whose side will they be on? These questions have to be asked because reactionary line of Militant on question of black sections and black self-organisation within labour movement may lead them to abstain.
while loyalty oaths are ine imposed and oficia support for candidates selected with black section participation withdrawn.
name used for Marxists at
the time - JR) not confine
tense ve exclusively
the economic struggle, but
that they must not allov
the organisation of
economic
CADUSUIC
become the predominant
part of their activities
Lenin's words:
'Working Cass political
Consciousted cannot be
genuine political con-
SCousTes. unless the
workers are trained to res-
ny, oppression, violence,
and abuse no matter wha
class is affected.' Narrow
It means, In Lenin's
phrases, that socialists will
*never be able to develop
the political consciousness
of the workers to the level
SOCa
(Marxist - JR) political
within the frame work of
within the framework the economic struggle for
that framework is too nar-
lOW This tendency
reduce the struggle of the working class to the economic struggle, and its placing within a primarily
economic framework, was
JLCEHI omism' or 'strikism'
In the epoch of imperialism however, Lenin noted, economism takes on the specific and virulent IorI of imperialist economism Lenin examined for example in his article The nascent trend of imperialist economism. This is a current with longer and
in any other society in the world.
Imperialist economism, the reflection of the weight of imperalism within the working class movement, takes the form not simply of an emphasis primarily economic struggles but also of utilising rhetoric around these to adapt to imperialism. Imperialist economism, as
Lenin put it, is 'persistent
y "sliding"' from recogni tion of imperialism This would allow the right wing to increase their at-
the rank and file of the movement. sectarian to the height of folly.
I ne line or Millant nas failed in Liverpool, where une about movemen. ween sull overdue remoa of Liverpool city to fight the racist exclusion of black people from the
jobs and services. Instead black people OnlY v.l per cent ol jobs in a city with 8 per cent blacks.
The NUM by contrast
their support for black sections because that led the flowering of black People Support the Miners in 1984 and increased the unity of the working class. with the lack sections and comrades: are you against the witch-hunt or with the witch-hunt and against the black sections. Atma Singh, Colne Valley Labour Party
apology for imperialism Just as the economists of blessed memory slid from recognition to apology for capitalism).
Imperialist economism, in addition takes the form not simply of direct apologies for imperialism but diso ot rhetoric used to cover up a retusal to tight against the imperialist system and li Dallicular a retusal to consistently oppose the imperialism of one's own state.
Imperialist econom-
Lenin's words,
ontinuall engages in
of the 'socialism alone
''wav' out' cover over its refusal to struggle against manifestations of the im- COnCIeLe perialist system. Trotsky outlined a typical example of imperialist in the 1930s when various organisations refused to support Ethiopia, under Haile Selassie, in its war WIld Italian imperialism under Mussolini on the grounds that this was war between two diclalulsi
Opportunist
Similar types of al guments were used by Militant to refuse, for example, to support Argentina in its war with Britain ove The Malvin charac-
second teristic feature Militant's politic also
to imperialism. As Trotsky put it in The Transitional
Programme of the Fourt
nternational 'Oppor-
organisations by their very nature concentrate their attention on the
class. hostility Militant towards black self organisation, the women's liberation movement, gay liberation and other forms of social oppression is all of a piece with its adaptation to imperialism on international politics. movement stand firm in support of their fight against the local government cuts. firm against the wishes of the black community on the
The M To
1
Militant's adaptation
to imperialism, finally,
determines sectarianism. Militant hates and loathes all that is most in new developments within the workers' movement precisely because these forces represent a
break with Militant's im-
perialist, labourist framework This is why Ted Grant
decided at the LPYS con-
ference to so firmly ciose
the door against the
of the miners'
strike. Because the entire
dynamic ot that SUnKe
began to take it outside a
labourist framework.
KERPOOL TALES FO
worka
Militant-controlled Liverpool council demand the labour
I me counci stana equally
Militant.
LPYS Conferencess
CTORY TO THE MINGHS
Young miners show the way
The mass social alliances created in strike in particular, were completely in contradic. tion to Militant's entire political framework. The dynamic the strike deepened, and did bypass, woners self-organisation, black selfand rallying of every section of the rs. The NUM itself the miners. in turn, began to politically reach out to these layers - both in the struggle and the role the NUM played at the Labour Party conference in supporting black sections the demands of the Women' relations chief. Liverpool black caucus still picket council offices to protest.
Socialist Action 19 April 1985 5 Action Committee, sup porting the fight to defend local and establishing contact with
gay and lesbian organisa
ions inside the Labou Party
Militant was faced with the choice of either break ing with its imperialist framework or turning it sectarian back on the dynamic and lessons of the miners' strike and its leadership. It deepen this sectarian and imperialist course, , and to blot out the infection of
miners' strike, that Ted Grant set out achieve at this years LPYS conterence.
Photo: TIM RIGBY
question of Sam Bond's appointment as the city's race
Page 6 scan of this page
The women's pickets at Port Talbot were among the most successful of the strike THE CYNON Valley is in the heart of the South Wales bordered to the west by the Rhondda and to the east by Merthyr Vale. Running from Abercynon in the south, nearby Pontypridd beadquarters of the NUM, to Hirwiaun in the north, it boasts five South Wales NUM lodges as well as one which covers the Phurnacite plant in Abercwmboi, part of the coking section of the separate from the South Wales area
Locally it's known as Scargill Valley. There's good Throughout the last 12 months it has been solid in strike.
Dai Davies, a member of the South Wales executive from the 800-strong Penrihwceiber pit, explained: "The five lodges voted in favour of the strike. If you consider that only nine of the 28 lodges in South Wales initially voted for the strike, then you can see how strong the Cynon Valley was.
'Prior to scabs going in, preoccupation was North Wales. First we got Bersham out, then we went to Point of Ayr.
'In the autumn a few lads went back to work in this area. Our main attention then was here at the Phurnacite plant. But out of more than 6000 miners in this valley we had only one going into work' As far as Dai was concerned, that was still 'a blot on the valley'.
The five Cynon lodges are Abernon, Lady Windsor (not in the valley itself, but linked
FIVE WEEKS after the return to work, there is bitterness among the NUM militants and their porters in the Cynon Valley, the militant centre of the South Wales coalfield. Bitterness treachery of the South Wales area leadership who organised the return to work and refused to give a lead to the thousands of women still prepared to fight to save jobs and communities.
But support for a continued fight against pit closures remains strong among the Cynon Valley pits which were amongst the first in South Wales to respond to the strike call last year.
Tyrone O'Sullivan, Tower Lodge in the north of the valley, reckons that if a vote were taken now there'd still be a clear majority for action. The bitterness against the role of apport for the Scargill leadership the strike or diminished the feeling that the only way to fight the closures is by mass industrial action.
vuce oul, the strike was sold in South Wales. But the executive distanced itself from the start from the tactics of the national leadership. nade clear and public WIth Williams' now-infamous no Orgreaves i South Wales' statement.
6
What tactics for
Scargill valley?
coalfield,
to remain out. area Jimmy Evans, 'Ceiber, explained: wanted to remain on strike.
union and tions were put on that-
members.
support of the
same position. decision.
our main Abercynon
sup-
at the
Dai Davies, South Wales executive member men and
South
when the Port Newport transporter
of mass picketing initiatives lodges themselves.
hasn't tarnished spokesperson for
of This was the Emlyn
'anti-Tory alliance'.
Socialist Action 19 April 1985
VDAN
with it. wales underground), Penrihwceiber, Tower, and Mountain Ash Mechanicals, a surface lodge. In March this year feelings in support of the strike still ran strong. The Tower and Penrihwceiber both voted
sculelal y hot the 'Penrihwceiber Al le delegate conference we were asked to vote in support of the position of the South Wales executive council's recommendation for a return to work. Condi- agreed.
- Ine neea to gel the boys reinstated - but it passed at the conference. Penrihwceiber abstained. We wanted to bring it back to the
"The general meeting of the lodge wasn't in favour, and Tower took the
'Our lodge wanted to hold out till those dismissed were reinstated, rather than going back and trying to negotiate reinstatement after. Once we returned we would be in a weakened position. But of course we abided by conference
section
photo.
Instead of pursuing a policy of mass picketing advocated by Scargill and the
Wales militants, the area executive chose to support guerrilla ac-
over lou arrests Talbot crane and
cupied. Not only that but the executive kept tight control on the purse strings after sequestration, thus blocking any
from the
Kim Howells, an NUM research officer, emerged during the strike as the
He played a significant role in launching the Wales Congress in Support of the Mining Communities in November 1984. A brain-child of the Communist Party and the Kinnockites, it was a fur ther tool of the Wales bureaucracy in heading off support for the tactics of
NUM national leadership. The Congress pursued the Communist Party's revamped popular front line: the
'There's mixed feelings about the
The people who were active during the strike are not completely happy with the state of affairs.
Brian Jones and John Jones, who's intending to stand this time in the lodge election, are both from Tower. They were blunter. 'The membership were. sold out,' said Brian. 'The executive lost us the strike a long time ago, when they didn't get up off their arses.
'Around Christmas there were a few • weak lodges where the men wanted to go back The executive gone to their meetings and given them a morale boost. Instead they sat in Pontypridd and let the rank and file get on
'Now they'll close the real militant areas. neit, Scotland, South Wales. We should have stopped out and fought.'
There is a real anger in Cynon Valley about the role of the South
executive. DISCUSSON rumbles on about the secret meetings they organised to win the return to
Hugh Edwards, chair of Tower, in-. sists the executive "jumped the gun'. 'It's said by the rank and file in places like Yorkshire that South Wales sold them out. But that's not the case for the rank and file here. They never betrayed the strike.
'Arthur Scargill had a lot of work on his hands, but he got us together.
South Wales executive
fought to keep us together.' No faith
Malcolm Cook from the Phurney, where the valley's only scab, Paul Watson, went back at the end of October,
"The Phurnacite was active from day one, going up to Nottingham and Derbyshire. Picketing was organised by the rank and file in the Cynon Valley. But as far as the ex ecutive in Ponty goes, I've got to be honest, I've not a lot of faith in them.
"They were quite prepared for the rank and file to put their jobs on the line, but when their jobs started to be on the line they had secret meetings saying we've got to go back to work to save the union
'Was it to save the union? Or was it to save their own £20-£30,000 a year jobs? We went back under the same wording that the secret meetings were discussing atter Christmas
'We knew what was in the press •about the drift back to work was propaganda. But those who weren't coming out on the pickets each morning were believing it. They were prepared to go back and there was no leadership to say don't listen to the propaganda.
'I'm not taking anything away from Scargill or Heathfield or our own president Edwin Morans (of the cokemen's
Led). This strike needed leadership We had it alliulig generals. We had it among the rank and
Whilst the Congress failed to build any significant rank and file support, during the winter period it was able to act as a cloak for the initiative to organise a return to work. There are many tales circulating the Cynon Valley about secret meetings held at the behest of the NUM area executive. Howells was already publicly advocating a return to work without an agreement, and continued to do so despite censure from an area delegate conference. Demoralisation
meeting organised brought together influential intellectuals and some lodge leaders from the
The executive was finally able to win a vote for its position at an area delegate conference at the end of February, and
militants in South Wales. But the executive themselves first helped to create
hostility to mass picketing, and hence the inability of the union to bring any effective pressure to bear for support
still never well file. It was the middle part that was missing.
done the same amount of work as Arthur Scargill did, I say we could have won this strike. It was in the balance. You don't have to look further than the state of the economy to tell you that.
'But Thatcher hasn't won. The simple fact is that we've still got our comthe munities and our union. learned a lot in the last 12 months.'
from workers in the power stations or steel workers in Llanwern.
Fight
position, the area executive organised for the return to work - riding on the sentiment they had helped create, and arguing that a return was better than a split in the union. powerful traditions solidarity, that proved a telling argument indeed. Ine because they felt they but to 'save the union'.
At the same time the very way in which the return was organised created confusion which still exists among the militants in the signalled recently by the high votes at Bedwas and Celynen South collieries not to fight the there.
Dai Davies, a South ecutive member from Penrihweeiber, who had advocated the tactics of the national leadership, explained the confusion that existed after the heroic year-. long struggle. still prepared to fight,' he said. question is how?'
SouthV
after th
strike
THIS week Socialist Action
continues its assessment of
the state of the coalfield
after the strike, with a visit
to South Wales. CAROL
TURNER toured the Cynon
Valley to investigate.
'If everyone of those executive had
And we've
Port Talbot and Tower Lodge
La lodge
After that, fearing for their own
Wales union
valleys with Rule
• had no option men returned against
valleys. This wa.
closures threatened . out pit by
Wales ex-
pit closures "There are pits that are "The spark for that.
Tyrone O'Sullivan, secretary of
TYRONE O'SULLIVAN, secretary of Tower colliery, has an answer to that question. Tyrone i
official with a purpose: rebuilding the fight in the South
While he believes that the correct and only way to bring out the membership last year was under
42, next time round there must be a national ballot. The fight
closures more urgent than ever, says Tyrone. It has to be rebuilt pit by pit.
For Tyrone and the hundreds of militants like him in the Cynon Valley and elsewhere, the first battle is over, but the war goes on. MINERS won't be prepared to com
pit again. They'll say 150,000 odd miners couldn't stop pit closures what can our pit do? But a lot of pits haven't got much time We could see as many as 40 closed this year. However hard it might seem after the last year, we've got to carry on fighting
One or two areas might provide the
With the right leadership and the situation here in the valleys.
Page 7 scan of this page
Vales
le
after the strike, we could probably run such a campaign.
But the role of the present executive in South Wales should be completely changed. We should go over to ine same system iney have ill Yorkshire where each colliery has one delegate at area level. At present each group of South Wales pits has executive member. The middle of this coalfield, which has traditionally produced good, solid leadership, only has two delegates at OSL.
Pit by pit representation would be a more democratic system, and there are already moves to change the rules along these lines. It would mean a fighting, more determined leadership in touch with every pit in the coalfield.
By Tyrone O'Sullivan
And we've got to build bridges too, links across each coalfield. That includes Notts. They worked through the strike because they didn't have the right preparation, the right education, before the strike began. The national leadership should encourage such links. And, of course, we've got to keep those we built during the strike
Tower intends to build those links. We will begin by ilillg other collieries to our May Day gala. Before the surke ine yomt loages plannea lo ivıle other pits down here, three or four each. That fell apart because of the
Rebuilding
the fight
strike. But now we're back we should begin again.
Morale is good in Tower after the strike. The boys are still in a good mood. We had a high vote in favour of the levy. If the lads were called on to vote tomorrow strike closures, then the vote in favour would still be high. I'd put it around 70 per cent. Truth
Power nas a eooe aslory over unt past 10 years. The lodge has tried to make the men aware politically. We've close had education on disarmament, apartheid, on Central America and so on. And we've encouraged discussion on everything. That's what counts.
We were prepared for the miners' strike because WC political context in which pit closures wele being proposed. dressed our general meeting last year, they knew the case was larger than just Cortonwood. We had already explained the facts about pit closures.
Being a Scargill lodge and a Scargill leadership, the 12 Just Men (the lodge leadership - ed) were always preaching Arthur Scargill's line. We him against the press and explained the Scargill case.
There's no simpie bulding a lodge that's prepared
branch by trying to please the membership, giving them what they want. Even if it's unpopular, them what you believe is right. way the lodge leadership wins respect ana you call your point of view.
was proved absolutely right on the hit
the need for mass picketing during this strike.
South Wales.
much option but mass industrial struggle. They won't get tar by lobbying and trying to change public opinion. I don't much like the Wales Congress for that reason. It's the same old people who let against us down in the past — with a new name.
Fresh ideas
The rank and organising with the support groups and Women Against Pit Closures. It's them fress minds and fresh ideas foe fresh minds
change things in a few years than we've been able to do so far.
to encourage in the lodge is paying results in many ways. understood the interest in the Labour Party a few years
back. But now Tower has filled all five When we ad. OTLS places
general management committee. the last few years members here have joined the party. In fact, before the strike started we had plans for a workplace branch.
because a lot of new blood is coming defended in. The effects of this strike will help
that along. do the same as we do in the union: it's answer got to get out on the doorstep and fight
to for its case.
THE NEW
Valley
liberation up for their rights.' support group fight. But you've got to take things on as they come. You can't build a strong
you've got to tell . That
win the membership to
The truth always comes out. Arthur
list. He'll be proved absolutely right on
SUNIKe.
We could have used more in
I can't see the working class has
file are already
fresh ideas. will be able to do more to
The political awareness we're trying
There was little
cune Cynon Valley Over … Io JU NUM
The party is starting to change here
pickel les
. The Labour Party's got to
Women
strike out
women's movement born during the year-long miners struggle is as big a success story in South Wales as anywhere in the country. Throughout the Cynon
women from each village organised, gathering strength and confidence as they went.
For many, ideas of women's •
were remote. Traditional, male-dominated culture is • still strong in the Welsh valleys.
Ann Jones from Hirwaun explained: "The women in South Wales are not as prominent as in other areas. It's not like London or Bırmıngham sav. But now the support groups are active and a lot or women dave Jonlica. We wan women here to be more political and more activist, to be prepared to stand ' Ann Jones, Hirwaun women's
ceiber women's support group agrees. 'I don't think the men liked us getting involved in the strike at first, she said. 'But once we got stuck in there was nothing they could do about it. In the end thev began to accept it. in a way they couldn't have done without the
that attitude is kept changed group intends to continue meting once
Women from the Cynon Valley
'food, spoke at metings, and took part in some of the most successful women's
Barbara Edwards told how much
changed her VC WS When the firemen were on strike and they brought out the Green Godesses, pre-war fire engines, I was married to a soldier. I wasn't interested then why
saying to my husband: i to do their job, you've got to have their
Hirwaun support group. It was, claims Ann, the first off the ground in South
pickets at Port Talbot, and later the
husbands were away all the time doing
We were fed up being at home lifting their spirits and getting
more. So we joined the picket lines.
Sue Cook, from the Abercwmboi
packed the parcels and helped collect the food. But we were a support group as well as a food parcel group. We used to go picketing down in Port Talbot. ,And we've been up at four in the morning picketing here at the Phurnacite
WCll
'I went down in the beginning to see for myself what was going on. I've had verbal abuse off the police and I've seen them kicking and hitting the men. And I can say it was frightening too.
violence scared her off picketing. But
was terrible,' she said, 'how the police
only been going a few weeks in Wales when we decided to have a picket down
The police actually went
odds. But the Greenham women made fools of the police. They sat right across
"The women were prepared to do more than just throw verbal abuse at the scab drivers on the convoys. A lot o1 peopie sala we were wrong thal mor
But I think it was good myself The men could see how far the police . were prepared to go and they were pre. warned. That was the first time people had seen violence on the picket lines in South Wales, and it was against women
but every woman agreed on the need to malnlan tel organisaliol. strike, Mary has been heavily involved in the Cynon Valley women's coordinating group which grew out of the mayor's distress fund, now dismantled 'We found it so useful to discuss the problems of the various groups in the valley that we decided to stay togethe
recrunea new members since luerelult to work. Ann and Barbara are now discussing launching an amnesty campaign in support of those arrested up
. are coming up in June,' explained Ann, 'but it's important not to wait till then Ne've fobelie ne sol hase e demonstration in Pontypridd first to make the executive stand with us.
boys on the Port Talbot crane from day
come to the police station when they
send transport to pick them up wher they as we re as organising support, the campaign should have a personal side It should get together the women whose husbands are on trial. They need to be involved and to know that they're noi
The South Wales Women Against
future. Like others up and down the country they are considering what form of organisation and how activity should
between miners' relatives and women from support groups in places like CarIdiff and wansea, of which aren't miners' relations, is hotl contested. So too the political direction
Wales Congress have played a guiding role in the South Wales WAPC, direc. ting it into 'safer', more traditional and passive form of support for the miners. Such confines have acted to limit the
creativity of women who have come to the fore during the
But if people like Ann and Barbara
women's role in the mining valleys of South Wales won't be so limited. They
CUlL munities' future. In the words of Ann: 'We want to fight so that we're not left
Socialist Action 19 April 1985 7
Page 8 scan of this page
8
FOR THOSE who argue that the Enropean working class has been defeated by the austerity paigns of the last period, the recent events in Denmark demonstrate the contrary. They mark the greatest class struggle for 30 years in Denmark. Despite attempts cessive governments to attack the unions, break the system, and create mass unemployment, the Danish working class remains solidly organised and ready to fight back.
The strike of 300,000 industrial workers, which began on 25 March took a directly political character from first. The demands for 35-hour seek, minimum wage, and index-linking meant a
10-08 confrontation
the government's
istentv drive. Sne nara
ne taken by the govern-
Fi response forcea ! HAD been snowing the right before and neither
ases nor trains were run-
1g. Copenhagen was at a
However,
ound the Parliament.
of demonstrators already gathering, over city. banners and demanded week, issal of Schlüter, the minister, the openof trade union strike
ads to support the now
al strikes.
12 o'clock, it look-
like a gigantic CND
oustraton, with
people that it was
ossible
and. Speakers were ap-
aded, though
it propose any con-
Lulue. The of
tion showed the enor-
strength LIe
rkers and their will to
back. It was an im
ressive demonstration of
ciplined anger.
attracted
.000 demonstrators,
tenth of the
of the capital, without
avalane.
milar events took place
around the
country
the capital, it was the
demonstration of 100,000 In the last days, centering
und the Parliament,
of the political
are or lue struggie Del-
the reactionary all
1.500 occupied the 9
idges that lead to Parlia-
•i and also, given its
cation in the heart of the
. that give access to the
tre. It was 8 am and the
taken by sur-
se. The bridges were im-
liately blocked by cars,
and wires. When a
ce car tried to drive in-
the picket
the car was grabbed
dozens of men and
red over. Two
liated policement had
awi out Enrough
Though they the picket would
at 12 as a demonstra-
was planned then, the
e wanted to force the
Socialist Action 19 April 1985
cam-
by suc-
closed shop
the leadership the (LO) into strike action.
The threat of 200,000 public sector workers ioining the strike led to the Schluter government declaring the strike illegal.
An explosion ot anger led to two mass demonstrations, and hundreds mass meetings.
Danish workers
fight austerity
SERINGS ND
35
-ENERA
STRE)KE
pickets and drive MPs through. On one the bridges, they managed to pusa tne pickels away Dul could not undo the Mcale. On one, after some fighting, they succeeded repelling pickets behind the cars. By the time they believed they were winning, demonstrators arrived, joining in and police, then forced them to leave one in alley opened in the crowd.
But neither the CP nor
the social democrats were
prepared to lead a general
sunke They stopped at
days of action. After the
massive national strike
and demonstration on 10
April no perspectives were
offered.
work
began on the following
dav. But the situation re-
mains explosive. Public Danish workers demonstrate on 10 March bringing Copenhagen, the Danish capital, to a standstill
sector workers will not accept the two per cent limit. - in which the LO is involved Ine labour System - Is In crisIs. here is now g strong left wing in the shop stewards movement. OULside the control of the CP.
By Martine Davies, reporting from Copenhagen
STOP SCHLUTER
BROUGHTON END
a campaign that has real historic significance.
some extremely embarassing truths.
military sovereignty
pletely destroy Western therefore political (and economic) sovereignty.
In other words, West European imperialism will nave ceased to be avning more than a satellite anc
Lilt US
Thirdly, Gorbachev is say. ing to the West European establishments that there is all alc nauve. arew red. tionship with the USSR in which the freedom ot ac tion of the West European states would be teed, they could do what they liked as capitalist and imperialist states, provided only that they respected the security interests or the USSR.
This Soviet campaign is being launched against the background of the Geneva talks and the US drive to complete cruise and Pershing deployments and carry through the Star Wars research development.
Agreement
It is becoming increasingly obvious that a very sizeable established, right-wing opinion in Britain, France and West Germany agrees with what the Soviets are saying. In Britain, for example, only the Times whose demoralisation as a voice of bourgeois opinion now involves total subordination to Washington
fully hehind the us Even the Economist - so dependent on US sales and advertising is shame-faced about its support for Reagan, saying it hopes he will get only a 2/3rds victory in the negotiations.
Gorbachev's offer
MIKHAIL GORBACHEV's 7 April declaration of a unilateral Soviet freeze on deployment of medium range missiles in Europe was the first public move in
What the Soviet leadership is doing is essentially speaking to establishment, right-wing opinion in Western Europe and in private, through diplomatic channels it is telling West European foreign offices
In the first place, it is pointing out that the West European states have for centuries accepted the idea that the political sovereignty of states depends upon
freedom of decision over fundamental issues such as whether to go to war or not. In the second place, the Soviets are pointing out that the US's present military drive - cruise and Pershing, but also above all Star Wars — will com-
Europe's military, and
As to whether the West European states will tually break ranks with Washington over the negotiations another matter. They are terrified of doing so, not on the whole because they fear the USSR's future behaviour but because they are trembling over Washington's response As the Economist puts it:
It is European weakness, Europear sereneur. that is likely to thwart Mr Gorbachev's hopes of detaching Europe from America. The US business, political and media lobbies in Western Europe, not to mention the power of the US state, are powerful forces for any West European rightwing leader to take on.
By Oliver MacDonald
A masterd of Manah.
that flastel mindedness in the field of tactics, Sir G. Howe, took most people by surprise by launching a timid attacl on Star Wars. His speech was one of the most pathetic imaginable - on the one hand, he said, the
tryin wars
are divide us, and Star the other hand, it may be a lay oe a good uning, on bad thing, bad because i would be like the Maginot line! He got such a roasting from Washington fớr that speech that we aren't likely to hear much from him on that subject for a while.
Meanwhile, President . Mitterrand has been seek-
TRING
ing to establish a common
West European response
through the
Western European Union.
The idea is that all the sevel
West European states
will have line against the US on military their Star Issues. and wil share al Wars informa-
tion, participating jointly
in the US's research pro-
gramme. But this
HaN alrady raised Washing
ton's anger, producing a
formal diplomatic note of
protest against the West Europeans discussing their own military policy
without the Nothing could be a 1 more direct challenge to the will of the West European establishments. WEU meeting is scheduled for the end of this month, involving foreign and defence ministries. Will they back down over their joint scheme or not?
Castration
In principle, of course, the left has no objection
whateve test aropian
European states as military perialist But does object to this work being done by Washington for the following reasons: first, it will • involve the continued barbaric UN drive in the Third World;
second, by threatening th
security of the USSR, i aids continued oppressive Soviet model and Soviet control in Eastern Europe; third, the subordination of Western EuroDe CLO USA will involve stepped-up drive by West European® capital against the workers of Western eurone
None of this means the left should turn itself into a mouthpiece of the new Soviet leadership. It would be the height of folly to im-
that Soviet diplomatic manoeuvres will necessarily coincide with the interests of the left. But in this particular case Soviet attempts to pull the West European states over to its opposition to Star Wars are very much in the interests of a very wide spectrum of otherwise hostile currents
opinion in Western Europe.
Page 9 scan of this page
THE LEFT PRESS has flooded with post-mortems of the miners' strike.
The Eurocommunist wing of the Communist Party has tried to hijack une discussion analysis that argues that methods of mass picketing were the essential cause of the NUM's defeat and that the union should have held a ballot in April. Public opinion was alienated because of these errors.
Bea Campbell, in an article entitled 'Politics Old and New' in the New Statesman 1985) endorses this view. Posing her argument within framework of feminist critique of both the 'hard left' and the hard right she attacks the 'male left' for 'muscular militancy' and violence with political strength, failing to assimilate the lessons of the Greenham Common women's peaceful encounters police and the military.
But the real core of the debate is about what kind of alliances the labour movement needs to turn the tide against Thatcher in the light of the experience miners' strike.
COULTAS takes up the mell.
TO take Bea Campbell's supposedly strongest point first, not the same kind of confrontation with the state as Greenham Common women's peace protest.
The women's peace camp Greenham was and still is a very effective protest demonstration to alert public attention to the cruise missiles
The non-violent demonstrations there have made it very difficult for the police and the authorities to claim that they are keeping the it is clear they are preparing for the most horrendous of all
The picket line at Orgreave was different. It, and the other pickets in the strike, involved a different type and scale of mobilisation altogether: the industrial power of the most milltant trade union pitted mighty forces of the British Ability to paralyse the economy is a decisive part of any such struggle, and mass dispute. This is esy to urgenis necessary such dispute. courts and law have always legislated against such picketing.
The dominant view from the mining communities about such conflicts misrepresented in Bea's article. wasn't hard to tind women in Oller. ton who supported the strike and yet felt alienated from what one described as "men behaving angry, brutal, useless.
Thousands of women mining communities fought for the right to go on the picket line - and also had many illusions about state destroyed overnight when they experienced the behaviour of the police.
Many women in the mining communities didn't have to even go to a picket line to experience the state's persecution of the miners as their homes and villages were invaded and they were beaten up.
In fact anger at media bias and police interterence with the right to travel freely round the country, when they thought they were fighting for a just cause, was one of the factors that stimulated the Wolle organise the Women Against Closures movement in the first place.
Women who couldn't distinguish between the violence of the oppressor and the oppressed stayed at home. Nor were mining women alone in this understanding of the role of the state.
Bea Campbell talks speaks for the mainstream of women in the solidarity movement but many, many women would disagree. having seen how partisan was the treatment of the police, the judiciary and the media.
been
with an
the March
the supposedly
equating
and for
with the
01 the VALERIE
argu-
Orgreave was
danger of against the
state. of women
deliberately
It
like men do; One side's as
from the
Greenham women,
the
provocative ple
miners' titude to everything else.
attack on the left,
Pit
This assessment
the 'argument' by she dia. not have negotiating
syndicalist
long before the dispute began, had been careful to distinguish between their chosen form of protest and the situation confronting women in El Salvador for exam-
Bea Campbell claims to be the authentic voice of feminism. But in reality her political allegiance is first and foremost to the theses of Eric Hobsbawn presented in Marxism Today. Her political support for the project of a popular front, a "broad anti-Thatcher alliance', determines her at-
Her article is aimed centrally as an
particularly Scargill leadership of the NUM, to assert the validity of the LCC-Marxism Today, assessment of the dispute.
is spelled out around three central attacks on the NUM. Firstly the NUM allegedly lost
not holding the ballot. Secondly the NUM supposed-
an 'intelligible' position.
NUM allegedly failed to win support from other trade unionists because of
and failure to popularise the issues in the
Women, violence and
the miners' strike
strike. In short Scargill and the NUM were the cause of the problems.
Tribune is praised by Bea, along with the Labour Coordinating Committee for spreading doubts about the NUM tactics.
Neil Kinnock comes under fire not for sticking the knife into the miners but for failing to twist it effectively enough — for not telling the miners outright not engage picketing and instead to adopt more 'subtle, strategic and satisfying forms of struggle? Bishops
Bea's orientation can be summed up by the forces she lists who could have supposedly become key parts of an alternative alliance for the miners - the bishops, the Earl of Stockton and David Steele.
'Both Bishops and the Liberal Party deny the category of class. In its place thev otter community state. It's a tradition of radical dissent in which contlict is about ideas, not about power.'
alliances to win, is false to the core. The NUM had to start its 'arrogant' battle for jobs on its own. up to others within the labour movement as well to mobilise the forces necessary to win the war.
nock to lead, to popularise, to go out and fight for action, was the obstacle the NUM confronted.
labour movement to turn words into action. The NUM made the calls for support but with the exception of the NUR, ASLEF and the NUS, and particularly their ranks, leaders stood back and gave money but little else.
Nor, Communist Party South Wales Assembly, be held up as models of how the strike should have been won.
area to avoid mass mobilisation Port Talbot steel works early on in the dispute, and instead to miners to adopt the 'guerrilla' tactic of vsus the occupation of cranes, means that 102 good militants face very prison sentences
Socialist Action with
Scargill in husbands. couraged leaaersip.
photo• MARTIN SHAKFSHAFT AFI history
trade
leaderships British
pressed
letarian They
Thatcher sul uclule
This analysis of the strike, and the
in confidence. . But it was mothers, wives,
The failure of the TUC and Kin-
kitchens..
A drive was needed across the
the the • labour
JUDICOSIUL contrary to the line of the today, the call NUM, or the Wales
The decision of the South Wales
al Thatcher.
long - with no effective
19 April 1985
measures taken to stop movement o coal and iron ore
And if ever the ability of the work ing class to take social initiatives, an reach out to new forces, was to b demonstrated in text book fashion i was in this strike
No one on the left should get awa
the idea that this was an automatic one either. Arthu
the early 1970s • Was defender of page 3 of the Yorkshir Miner and the pin up it carried at tha time. Miners sang very sexist songs o the Mansfield march back in June
womer Against Closures movement swept through the mining communițies changing al titudes. Significantly, as women too on the state they were strengthene in their resolve take on thei
The movement was by the national NUM
The first national women's marc in Barnsley on 12 May was built by th NUM, despite some uneven response at a local level, South Wales being notable weak spot here.
Nor could it be said that the NUM lacked the ability to popularise th dispute or draw other social group behind them. Scargill's speech Labour Party conference galvanise the entire event for example and th NUM created the greatest solidarit movement round a strike in post wa
Not for years had there been
leader with resonance among the ranks of th workers - and other layers of socie ty. And, unlike 99 per cent of othe
the history ot in trade Scargill and the NUM sought out an spoke up for the demands of the of
women, blacks, the ke demands on Ireland and for the right of gays and lesbians
One of the oldest, most pre
unions was beginning challenge the prejudices of the Britis labour movement.
The Eurocommunists are hostil to this alliance between the exploite and the oppressed forged in struggl against the lories
Ruling class
wish to create an allianc with sections of the ruling class tha agrees not to struggle too hard agains
in a way that alienate "public opinion'
The birth of the Women Agains Pit Closures movement is a perma nent gain of this strike. The strik could not have lasted without th political and material support of th women in those communities. That the real type of social alliance which i required. Now the NUM is discussin giving the women associate member ship and representation through th
Not the unior allotilc move which should be encouraged.
The women's support groups ha an electric effect on the mining com munities. Aware of their social con tribution in the strike women gaines
'We started as wives girlfriends, sisters and we have ended as organisers speakers and seasoned fighters in ou cause. We have faced the state.. • ou eyes are open to the many struggles it society, we are not going back to ou
There is absolutely reason for that movement to now turt its back on the leadership of the NUM or the so-called 'hard left' that helper to create its dynamic.
The church, the Liberal Party anc
aristocracy not more enlightened than the labour move ment when it comes to the question o women. They have tolerated women':
and don nothing at all about it.
Women should continue to con centrate their energies on pushing th labour movement to take up the: demands. The strike gave us a glimpse of the kind of alliance that will ba necessarv to turn the tide
That alliance of the e ploited and oppressed, organised wIt the left wing of the labour movemen: must be consolidated. That is the sola type of alliance that can show a wa forward for women.
Page 10 scan of this page
Sheffield faces the crunch
LT — noose tightens on thousands of jobs
IRELAND
UNFREE
Tomorrow's
leaders
IN THE MINERS' strike young miners were the driving force in all the main actions of the strike. This is not surprising. been the activist vanguard of every major struggle. Ireland is no exception. We reprint below the editorial of Republican News 14 April 1985, on the role of youth in Ireland.
THE SPIRIT of freedom which keeps the struggle for liberation alive is demonstrated most clearly by the young members of the Repbulican Movement.
They have borne the brunt of the oppresion of British occupation in the North and the injustice of poverty and repression in the South.
In every phase of the fight for freedom, before and since
commemorate that Rising this weekend, we should be conscious of the ongoing contribution which youth is making,
The Roll of Honour on the centre-pages of this paper carries the many names of Fianna and young Volunteers of the Irish Cumman na mBan who died on active service.
In the H-Blocks and Armagh the average age of the prisoners is 25 years, and a significant number of these young prisoners have been in jail from the age of 17 or 18.
Besides those young people who have made the munate sacnnice in the cause of freedom and those who languish in prison for the same cause, it should be remembered that day-to-day harassment in the six counties is directed primarily against youth.
Not that harassment stops because in the South, where young working-class people are maligned as trouble-makers and thugs,
suffer similar harassment from the gardai. Such harassment is bound to increase now with the peration of the Criminal Justice Act, which was designed primarily to deal with the 'Bugsy Malone' syndrome invented by a sensationalist media.
The consumer society offers little of nothing to youth but is quick to condemn those misguided young people who act outside the norms of society to obtain the material goods that they have been brain-washed into believing are essential.
Despite this, even in the South, struggle does not have the same relevance and where sustained media propaganda lad the rewriting of history by the establishment attempts to twist the truth, young people have re:' jected this insidious pressure.
Youth were to the forefront in supporting the hunger 2|11 forefront as Sinn Fein's electoral workers.
Massive youth unemployment South has produced a groundswell of understandable resentment and political cynicism amongst zany youne peoble. Ihe establishment's answer kas been try through encouraging emigration or through deadcar training schemes.
It must be the task of Sinn Fein in the twenty-six counties to channel these young people into disciplined revolutionary political activity which has clearly-stated meaning them.
Republican youth in the six counties have shown the determination and commitment to br*g about real change in Ireland.
In this International Youth Year, we salute our young activists.
Socialist Action 19 April 1985
Youth have Easter Week 1916, young men and
and can make in the ruture.
Republican Army and at the border, where the immediate
been to the
North and
and dissipate this resentment
and. objectives for OUl
the
THE CRUNCH is coming for Sheffield City Council. Its meeting on the 24 April will decide whether the campaign But unlike previous meetings this vote will not avoid the issue of illegality. With no rates, the council will quickly run into the red and councillors will face the possibility of legal action. So far the Labour group leadership has avoided directly breaking the law.
At its 7 March meeting
the council decided that it
was 'unable' to set a rate.
it dia not reluse to set a
Tale as this would have
been illegal. Three further
meetings have beer ad-
journed rather than face
ine Issue nead-on. Centra
to the leadership's tactics
nas been the idea that
Sheffield should avoid go-
ing illegal as long possible.
The over-optimistic view was encouraged that
this might be enough to
force Jenkin the negotiating table. But there 1s a solid bloc of Labour councillors who
wil not be prepared break the law, and the Labour group leadership has bent over backwards to maintain unity with this right wing.
Tremendous support has been won from the counci WUrKIUICE. and
from local people. 'THERE'S NO need for a wage increase this year. I can fill any vacancy in any grade!? That was the message from Dr Ridley member of the London Regional Transport Board for London Transport Underground Ltd. Opening what Ridley and his col leagues intend to MacGregor style management in the recently demunicipalised transport system, the message to the unions, at what was an 'informal' response to the wage claim for LT's 25,000 underground workers, was brutally clear. Agree to the job cuts or there's no wage rise.
Management want rapid extension of one person operation (OPO) of underground trains on the East London and District ines this vear to be follow. ed by the Metropolitan Main and Piccadilly line next year. In addition they want rapid progress on the wholesale destaffing of most stations outside the central rolling programme of an London alca THE NUT has been forced to step up action on pay. More astonishing ference was the card vote (103,000 to 96,000) which supported the Lambeth amendment to the executive report. This effectively places the NUT behind the miners' fight to save jobs, failures of the TUC to give serious support to the miners.
This decision was important for two reasons.
'irstly comes from union with an insular sectoral background which meer Dressure o or ac LINC tacks is beginning to break
protessionalism. Secondly, it is the first major meet since the end of the miners' strike.
in gauging realignment of the labour movement tollow. ing the strike this decision is positiye, ana cuts across
against rate-capping will continue.
In the council work-
force there has been a cam-
paign wurkolace
meetings, leafletting, etc,
win support , Tor Ine
council's stand against
NALGO
members have pledged
€4500 to a fund in defence
of councillors facing legal
costs.
by John Kirby,
Sheffield Heeley
Labour Party
With all this support it
is untortunate to sav the
least that the council has
done a number of things
which undermine the cam-
paign. Some heads of
department have imposed
a freeze on vacancies, and
asked for cuts in spending,
even though this is not of-
ficial policy. Council
tenants have been asked to
• era of Edwardesannual 2 per cent cut in the permanent way staff who maintain the tracks is being sought.
Patrick Sikorski, NUR
At the same time backup services such as the engineering workshops, cleaning services, can-
etc are being packaged for the purposes of making them compete for their own work against
Left gains at NUT conference
at the Scarborough con-
while criticising the
the conclusions drawn some sections of the lei who have started the retreat and allied with Neil
For the left of the Socialist Teachers Alliance is the biggest component. there were many successes By Ray Sorotkin, Lambeth NUT (personal capacity)
The entire conference
Blanco ANDES (the El Salvador teachers'
pay the rate at the rate-
capped level.
In addition, council
workers have been asked
to deter two nours pay un
til April. Worse still, 3000
workers ine direct
works department have
been locked out in
dispute over bonus. Aboli-
tion of bonus is local par-
ty, council and union
policy. In an effort to get
management to implement
this. policy, the workers have been refusing to fill in time sheets. the department was losing large sums ot monev as a result. and
management locked out une worklorce.
These actions are the result of a failure to take a
clear stand on 7 March. They are aimed at reducing counci costs so tha the day the council goes into the red is postponed, while the appearance of a fight is kept up.. Now the fight is for the campaign to continue beyond 24 April.
The best way for this to happen is for the leadership to refuse to set a rate. Any ruage on this issue. will dissipate the support that has been won. outside contractors and face eventual closure of Drivalisallull The LRT Board, hav-
ing been appointed by Tory transport minister Nicholas Ridley (no rela tion to the Doctor), did not object when the orders came down that the sub-
idy being paid to LI was
to £95 million over a three year period. Such a cut can only be achieved through
Job rosser although there will inevitab v also be tare in
serases and veduction sost
levels estimates agree that 16,000 bus and tube jobs are at stake between now and
But there is resistance. Against the background of the miners' strike the unions on the underunion) when he addressed conference. A majority of delegates SubDOrtCu move to suspend standing orders SO that the could discuss opposition to the threatened deporta tion ot Zubair Ali, a teacher in Tower Hamlets. Although the required two-thirds majority was not achieved. the new president Gordon Greene was compelled to read out deportation threat. statement against the
Further evidence of the NUT sional in limitations out 'professional' was unanimous opposition
the Devon education authority's attempt to ban
the wcasina of badges
the displaying stickers which might be construed to be political.
DEMOCRACY
Sheffield Labour leader David Blunkett ledas the
Democracy Day demonstration in London last March.
His stand on Sheffield council is leading to a fudge.
ground were able to force
management to withdraw a round of station staffing
CuLs Dialilice for
September last year. The
district council of the
NUR has had 'no job loss
policy for 2 years. Fighting
against agreements acep-
ting the principal of OPO goe shak suffered and
setback suffered in
1982, the NUR has forces
the other unions, the NUR
and ASLEF executives
and the Federation into
unity behind a job sharing
with no loss of pay de
mand which is completely
unacceptable to manage
ment. The implementation
dates for OPO on the Eas
London and District lines
are already months behind
schedule.
It is this resistance
which leads Dr Ridley to These cases show that
not hiding behind the banner of pro-
Pressures work both ways. Kinnock's 'dented shield' line has on local had disastrous effect councils. The NUT was not immune to this pressure. A card vote (80,000 to 131,000) defeated a resolution urging non-compliance. But the executive was on the defensive.
key lest of the union's the issue of sexism. In a union whose membership is two. thirds women, 85 per cent of speeches were made by
the majority of these by executive members.
CHARMAN
wield the big stick. In addi-
tion to threatening a nil
Ware increasi also
threatens to withdraw
7½ per cent productivity
DONS being paid at the
moment as a result of the
Hammersmith and City
and Circle • lines having
been converted to OP(
last autumn
His aim is to turn the
workforce against the
NUR districi council.
There entirely
all reasonable
wal lilco amongst the rank and file about the likelihood success in the all out battle
that will be necessary halt management's plans.
But the real fear amongst
those who
wal organise a fightback is that those elected for life , will buckle rather merely pointed than calling management's bluff.
They wheeled out an executive member to give the usual 'I got where I am ovnaru work, duv wotal can do that if she wants type speech. This counter to the demand for there to be women on the executive elected by
Despite positive discrimination policy not being won al this conference, ticularly executive, role at the male,
conference makes positive action all the more necessary
STA fringe meetings were all well attended, and the positive the role of the
towards the STA opens up the possibility of building united left organisation following the advances made at conterence.
Page 11 scan of this page
Defend the Newham 7
Youth reporting from Blackpool
AFTER LAST that an influx of black activists represents. campaigning around.
Last Sunday's conference Today it is the Newham Seven, tomorrow it could be you THE CONTRAST between the LPYS conference in 1984 at the beginning of the miners strike and the 1985 conference after the strike has ended, is startling.
The 1984 conference was a connuent ourward looking event which
young righters in the mining com
The Militant leadership of the made many radical statements TEre doubling or trebling of the size or me Jr to ulring the miners strike.
Alone datese are. mises realised. This
was year's smaller and demoralised affair, none of the promised gains
500 URLY WHICH recruits or 20 new branches on show.
found themselves under sharp at-
300 meeting called to discuss Liverpool city council's attack on the right of the black community of Liverpool to organise themselves autonomously.
Black sections want your support
weekend's national press coverage of the Vauxhall conference in support of the black sections in the Labour Party few people will be left in any doubt that the right of black self-organisation within the party is a number one issue for all activists.
The bourgeois press certainly isn't. Labour leader Neil Kinnock certainly isn't. He understands the real threat to his 'opinion poll' politics
With more black people active in the party the pressure will be on to get rid of white elitist attitudes and to push the party four-square behind the demands of all the oppressed within society. This upsurge of black militancy will bring welcome support for all the demands the Labour left are
called members to support the stand of Lewisham East Labour Party by demonstrating outside the constituency meeting in April - when a national agent will be there armed with a loyalty oath - and by
Ak
Despite Militant's orientation to LPYS away from participating in key policy was passed that calls LPYS nationally ay with Your , to work jointwith CND hild and mobiise for the Anti-Trident demonstra1 une in Glasgow.
Similar policy was passed
demonstration against Powel 27 ADri and the demonstration against the Gillick ruling 23 June.
By Paula Frampton
Conference also nassed demands to Interature on lesbian alu
Ireland Young Women's Charter, as well building women's supplemented by similar schools in the regions.
passing resolutions in support of black sections.
Demonstrate in support of Lewisham East on Fri-
day 26 April. Turn up at the Limeshall Labour
Club, Limesgrove Road, Lewisham at 7pm.
Oppose the loyalty oath by passing the following
resolution: "This body opposes the Labour Party
national executive committee's plans to introduce Perences in CLPs that support black sections. 'loyalty oath' for delegates to selection con-
supporters of black sections at a time when the
party should be
against the Tories and winning the fight against the
abolition of the GLC and metropolitan counties,
rate-capping, and threats to the political levy.
against CLPs who have black sections.'
• Further information can be obtained from:
Labour Party Black Section, c/o 39 Chippenham
Road, London W9 2AH.
(See also page 12 for Vauxhall conference report.) the 54 strikers who stayed out to the end. I DID NOT agree with Miltant and other people who argued that the NUM should have held a ballot especially when they came out with it after 12 months of the strike in order to explain why the miners did not win.
The miners lost
port from the TUC.
party leadership and the minority of miners who reluse lo come out on strike.
If there been hallot there is no wav that
would Eave voice ol the strike
fact it's unlikely that even South Wales would have voted for a strike.
Only a minority of South wales pits came out first
The only mistake that
'It believes that this will lead to a witch-hunt of
concentrating on campaigning
'This body urges the NEC not to take action KEVIN DAVIES was one of the 15 miners who attended this year's LPYS conference in Blackpool. Kevin, a member of Rufford pit NUM in Nottinghamshire which has a workforce of 1300, was one of
Scargill made was not to ›e president of this unior n 1971 or 1974. If he had been, dispute would not have had to take place.
Scargil had been made
ase at to let on to
ple. no one union blames Scargill, Heathfield and McGahey for what they did.
Take the picketing of Notts was done peacefully. There was no trouble at all until the ponce movea in. My pil for example was almost entirely picketed out until the area leadership announced WC were having an area ballot.
Now that was mistake. The Notts area ballot gave the men an excuse to cross picket lines and go to work. The mis-
place in Newham,
with affray for daring to defend themselves.
On Saturday 17 April disabled l6 year old Asian Newham youth was dragged into a car and assaulted with hammer by white racist thugs
The thugs then turned on a family out shopping, an apprentice and an Asian woman and beat them up too. Later that day, leaving the Duke of Edinburgh Public House 20 of these racists, wielding among olde things garden implements, attacked black youth.
The police arrived on the scene and proceeded to arrest one of the victims of une allack
Six more Asian youths
rounded Welc along with three white youths. But five of the black youths arrested, intake was not that Scargill did not organise a ballot.
Since the 54 strikers have returned to work I've been surprised at how subched the seans They don't argue with we argue with scabs have been transferred into from Yorkshire. They claim that they resigned and reapplied Scabs
But young lads from
the pit. These people have been transfered frOm Yorkshire by the NCB to ensure their safety
Now that the overtime ban has been lifted the striking miners trom ow pil are winning votes at branch which take place on Sunday mornines • At our last meeting a striker was voted onto
Socialist Action A NEW OUTBURST of racist attacks has taken East London. The police have colluded in these attacks by failing to arrest those responsible and instead charging seven black youth
itially on charges of posessing offensive weapons and criminal damage, were remanded in custody for 7 weeks on the flimsy excuse police were busy preparing their case
No such treatment was meted COUL the white youths who were Im mediately released on bail. None of the youths in the car on 7 April have yet been arrested by the police
Police behaviour this incident follows the pattern that the black and Asian community Newham has come to expect.
In the case of the Virk brothers in Newham 1978 te muraer or All Daig 1980 and the arrest of the Newham 1982 the the welfare committee and another as the NUM's dust representative. This shows that with the strike over the scabs aren't interested in the union anymore
my opinion, however, the Nottingham ahea expelco from the union. • The ultra-right leaders like Lynk should be suspended for five don't think we can just vote them off in Notts.
A lot of the strikers in our area have joined the Labour Party. A lot of the women who were active around the strike have alsc joined. In fact it's virtually
19 April 1985 police also turned on the victims of racist violence rather than the perpetrat ors of these outrages.
But the Asian com munity not accep this behaviour. The Newham 7 Defence Cam paign is calling a Nationa demonstration to mois attack and othe at other such attacks on black and Asian people's right to live
of intimidation and assault by racists
As the Newham Seven leaflet says: 'By • chargins three racists the state is attempting to present the Newham Seven incident as one of 'gang warfare
attempt must be resisted.
cannot tolerate one single attack by racist thugs on our people and will defend ourselves if the ICCU anises Yesterday in was the Newham Eight. Today it is the Newham Seven, tomorrow it could be you.' all strikers at the meetings because we're the activists.
At the first meeting went to I proposed we set branch. I was surprised to Young Socialists get the full backing of the paould be against it. I'd thought they
so now three of us miners are establish an LPYS. trying to set up a meeting with the local Labour can didate — the MP is a Tory
and our North Notts aim establish L Liaous ocene the different constituencies
Page 12 scan of this page
ACTION mobilisations
LABOUR PARTY black sections drew national attention again over the weekend when Vauxhall Labour Party hosted a conference in support of black self-organisation meeting was held in response to the Labour leadership's latest attempts to silence black activists, by threatening to invalidate MP reselection meetings if black sections delegates take part.
In a front page article, described the fightback as 'the revolt' which posed 'the biggest internal problem for Neil Kinnock since he became leader 18 months ago.'
ed they won't be fighting on the side of the status quo.
paign the flavour of a race riot. It dwelt on a statement by black section national committee vice-chair Linda Bellos, who said the national executive were 'making up the rules as they go along in an attempt to 'maintain white supremacist rule . institutional racism of the party is what makes Kinnock and the rest of the leadership respond so ferociously.
CHRIS black section national committee (writing in a personal capacity) reports on the Vauxhall conference. AROUND 100 delegates and observers met in Lambeth Town Hall last Sunday to plan campaign to defend black pariv acuvisis Irom une latesi attack by the Labour Par-
The NEC is telling con-
that they Call® not accept MP nominations from their black sections or allow black secton delegates to vote al reselection meetings •on
Inland
6 months £8;
12 months £15 Overseas (12 months only)
Europe £17; Air Mail £24 (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions)
Name.
Address
Please send me as special offer
SOCiAist
Labour Party
black sections say:
DROP THE
LOYALTY
OATH!
within the party. The
Monday's Daily Mail
They're right. Black activists have already prov-
The racist Daily Mail attempted to give the cam-
Linda's right. The fundamental challenge to the
KHAMIS, assistant secretary of the
Spain of declaring the reselection procedure Invalid. If parties refuse to tional leadership will dispatch its full-timers to those constituencies and demand CYCL general committee delegate signs an 'oath of loyalty' to the party constitution.
This threat is currently directed at Lewisham East and Vauxhall parties in South London. The
SUBSCRIBE
I enclose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for & .. Send to: Socialist Action Subs, PO Box 50, London NI 2XP.
reselection process in both
Lewisham East in fact will be visited by a national agent at the end of April. Last Sunday's conference called on all ШОСь ш ШШш ш ан show their support for black sections and for Lewisham's stand.
Four other parties Deptford. and Wood Greeno Newham Newham West and East — will soon be starting reselection rounds with blacks section delegates taking parl. Anu many other constituencies
accommodate black secLOIS as they begin their reselection.
Sunday's meeting called on all parties to make provision for black sections in their own constituencies, and to pass resolutions in support of Vauxhall and Lewisham East and against the loyalty oath.
Further support for black sections now
The black section steering comutee press conferences to get their message across. and are seeking a meeting with party leader Neil Kinnock.
• See Levisham derais
Lewisham lobby and for the model resolu-
against the loyalty
Special free book offer!
Take out a years inland subscription and we will send you free one of these books.
Thatcher and Friends by John Ross
Over Our Dead Bodies -Women Against the Bomb
Introductory offer for new readers:
Eight issues for just a2!
Mass
of an unbeaten population.
gress
Thursday' 'bloody
situation.
LATEST reports from South Africa indicate that the townships the Eastern Cape are still simmering. Homes black councillors and officials are sull belng stonea burned to the ground. Up to now the violence in the Eastern Cape has not spread to other parts of the country. For the govern-
- relief that the townships of the Vaal triangle, which includes Sharpeville and Soweto have remained relatively calm.
On Wednesday 10 April police reported that one of their vehicles had been set alight township on the outskirts of Johannesburg but they did the
No, the black South African
workers' fight against the
apartheid regime hasn't spilled
over into Britain. This is how
the Daily Mail chose to
describe the conference
organised last weekend to
campaign against the Labour
leadership's latest attempt to
scotch the fight for black self-
organisation within the party.
Institutionalised racism within
the Labour Party helps
maintain the rule of Neil
Kinnock and his ilk.
continue in
South Africa
AS FOUR more blacks died in South Africa this week at the hands of apartheid's police, 80,000 attended the mass funeral in a football stadium near Vitenhage of the 28 shot dead on 21 March. This was one of the biggest mobilisations ever of blacks in South Africa, showing the spirit and determination
The coffins were carried to the cemetery draped in the colours of the banned African National Con-
— black, green and gold. As the resistance to March continues, CHARLIE VAN GELDEREN analyses the current
township. The fact that they gave publicity to this isolated incident reflects their general e vo Ine authorities are keeping a watchful eye on Crossroads, the shanty town near Саре Town where 18 people died in riots in December last.
It is proposed to move thousands of squatters trom Crossroads the new township Dul JUSC of built black Khayelitsa.
This is part of the regime's policy of 'controlled urbanisation' of Africans in the Western Cape. Under South Africa's apartheid legișlation, this area was designated for 'coloured' labour.
Until recently the government tried to preBy BAVID HUGHES
Event any new African settlement there and for the TaSI years IrOZE development of established African the vicinity of Cape Town, refusing to build houses, schools or other facilities. Apart from those already settled in the region, the only Africans who were to be allowed in were a limited number o1 rural migrants on temporary work permits.
While government regulations may propose. economic facts have tendency dispose. impoverished and disposs essed blacks, dumped the inhospitable and bleak nome alus Ciskei and Transkei, inevitably their wav back toward Cape Town the Cape Peninsula. With nowhere else to go they established themselves Crossroads where today an estimated 70,000 people live in make-shift huts and tents.
Khayelitsa, to which the authorities are trying to get the squatters move, is a sprawling new township situated in the windblown sand dunes on Ine coast ot false Bay, about 15 miles from Cape Although super-
vaily
« We're fed up with having
white people speak for us
KINNOCK
FACES RACE
REBELLINN
ficially, the bleak and soulless new township with its row upon row of iden tical two-room boxes, each supposed to house a family of five, may appear to be an improvement to the shacks of Crossroads, the
majority of the squatter-town inhabitants have shown no eagerness to make the move
In the first place it would be farther from their places of work and travel costs make a big dent in the wages of black workers. Furthermore, Crossroads they pay no rent and have developed a measure of autonomy which they are reluctant to exchange for the tight controls to which they would be subjected in Khayelitsha. The move would also result in a §ort out "illegals' black people who in the region without the required permits and face the prospects of being 'deported' to the homelands.
So far the government's efforts to remove the people of Crossroads and also of the three long-established townships near Cape Town, Langa Nyanga and Guguletu has been fiercely resisted, culminating 18 deaths in December
← Socialist Action No. 96, 5 April 1985Socialist Action No. 98, 19 April 1985 →