Socialist Action No. 112, 6 September 1985
The scan: 112-sep-06-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
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ACTiON SoCiAlist No. 112 6 September 1985 30p
FREE
NELSON MANDELA
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2
ACTiON SOCiALiS
Poland
five years on
SOLIDARNOSC was born in Poland five years ago in August 1980. It was the largest and most prolonged movement against the bureaucracy seen in Eastern Europe since the 1920s.
Contrary to the Polish government's claims, its basic demands were intolerable to capitalism. first statements spelt out its commitment to Polish socialised production relations.
claim that 'socialism actually exists' in Eastern Europe. What 'socialist' regime needs to crush ten milion of its own workers demandino workers management, to bureaucratic privilege? The view that Solidarnose's demands foundation.
But Solidarnose's rise also posed sharp questions for Western socialists.
Europe, the Soviet bureaucracy its most powerful support: genuine popular fear that World War Il barbarism will again march East — only this time armed with modern weapons.
Solidarnose's meteoric rise also illustrates one aspect of why the 'soviet threat' is illusory. It shows just how weak is a bureaucracy with no independent source of income or power, when workers rise against it.
The Soviet and East European bureaucracies
bureaucratic castes wedded to the status quo and with no historical future. The 'defence we need is to smash Reagan and his allies' wardrive and make common cause with the working class of Eastern
European continent — not some defence against a non-existent threat from Hastern durope.
Solidarnose contributed to giving a glimpse that this vision of unity of the West and East European working class is no historical utopia. tremendous power of the Last European working class was revealed to the entire
readersmo coura not realse te polendar the movement created. A mass Eastern European opposi-
dedicaled to rescuing socialism and Marxism from the dead hand of official ideology will not emerge
emerge spontaneously. That is excluded given the deadening hand of Stalinism in Eastern Europe. It will demand the conscious efforts of Marxists in Eastern Europe — and throughout the world.
Poland understanding on the one hand that this would lead to a showdown with the bureaucracy, and on the other that it would place Polish workers
powers and their objectives both in Europe and in the Third World.
But Solidarnose's leadership did not have such a clear perspective. This is what lay behind the tactical temporising which culminated prior to the imposition of martial law. prepared an 'active strike' but Walesa temporised. When the Vatican concocted a deal with Jaruzelski to back fake 'independent' caught on the hook. Behind all this was the issue of te perspecuve or waut type or sociely lo create l Poland — a problem that confronted Solidarnose from its outset.
The problem could be put the following way. In Nicaragua the leadership was ahead of the movement. But in Poland it lagged behind it.
The intense and wide-ranging debate which still lives in press provides ample Solzarosc can and will rise to the needs of the prical situation in that country. That summer of 19%4'17 Poland was a beginning, and not the end. or the ise of the political morement of the workin2 tas: in Eastern Europe
sundarose lives: Solidarnosc will rise again! That remains a perspective in Poland.
Socialist Action 6 September 1985
Its
suppression belies any
strict material equality, and an end
'threatened socialism' has no
Capitalist Western with NATO rockets pointing East, gives
juggernauts waiting to roll
throughout the
The
during
weakness of solidarnose was that its
and
will not
which made sense in socialist
Western capitalist neared Solidarnose's left wing
unions, Walesa was
the pages of Poland's underground
evidence that sections
The right
Congress
AS WE go to press the outcome of the crucial AUEW executive decision on Tuesday night on continuing to take government funds for ballots is not known.
AUEW's open flouting of its decisions — although Willis was opening of the congress reconciliation.
But matter how sharp the intrabureaucratic clash
and it has a DeLores dynamic of its own which
not necessarily under control - there should be no confusion on the core of the matter.
nay and tuesday did
Monday and Tuesday
no to A and the
and EETPU on government trade union legisla-
CICCLEU openly adopting that line.
On all practical matters the general council, backed by the majority at the
voted the AUEW/EETPU line of
the Tories anti-union laws.
By Dick Carter
But the truth is that the general council position formally was, is as flat as pancake. The reality is that the TUC has made no effort in prac-
to implement the Wemble! conference decisions.
The core of the formal declaration of these decisions was that the strength of the whole should be used to defend unions facing attack by the Tories. That is exactly what has not been done as the NGA and the NUM could amply testity.
Eric Hammond gave the game away he said that the real thinking behind the Wembley decisions had been to wait for a future Labour government to repea the legisla
There had never been
general council that these anatoranus laws were golg to have le be taken on and defeated in struggle.
While speaking formally in favour of the continuation of the Wembley conference line Bill Keys of
TUC employment committee, in reality totally accepted Hammond's framework.
Keys announced that 'How TUC pond to the government legisiation is the most important issue we're dealing
ycal. his argument for opposing Hammond. and upholdine
WUIZVILLLI Wembley, was simply that •There can be no alteration or ine memdie poncies 11 we want to get rid of this
ite future
wing's
Nor is the reaction of the TUC to the
working assiduously throughout the
to bring about a
miners"
significant
and
regardless conference
should accept anti-union
Motion
was unions TenC their
As Hammond
well package.
Wembley
It reafСоПof the TUC and on Labour
and 1982 ACTE as as 1984 Trade Union Act.
In words, the
government
tical. He in his
not depar- that no
fully UDON was
accepted
also
single and "no-
which the are
Terry Duffy Norman Willis .
vigorously pursuing. No effective opposition to Inese wildlever Has come from the general council.
The GCHQ debate on the first day of congress was equally turned by Willis into an opportunity to conciliate with the extreme right wing. The call for a day of industrial action against any attempt to
union members at GCHC was the minimum needed. But pride of place in the debate consciously given to Eric Hammond -with his announcement he would ballot EETPU power worker members on supporting the action.
Willis able to follow that up with the ringing declaration that If this battle is to be won Ene we need the electricians and engineers in this congress. The whole aim of the war the decate was se up was to aliow maximum AOW and EETPL. for unit! with the
There is however one fact which does underly
real TUC., . This is that the majority of the trade unions, and the general council, actually would like greater part of the 1980, 1982, 1984 repealed. The difference is illa the AUEW and EETPU leaderships would not.
After all, why should they? Those Acts did not fall from the sky: They were precisely modelled by the Tories on the functioning of the EETPU and and Hammond o Duffy and Hammond not want tundamental parts of these Acts repealed at all. That is what underlies the sharpness of the intrabureaucratic clash.
is the forces which underly this that means that, finally, the TUC almost certain will split Because the AUEW ' and EETPU really are pioneering a new type of
News
trade unionism in Britain. One far more directly tied to the employers and state than anything seen previously in Britain this century.
As we go to press it still seems likely that the TUC will try thi time round to find a way of avoiding split although that is not fully certain. But that will only be to put off further a division which the right wing is now openly trying to im pose on the whole movement. Apologies For reasons beyond its control Socialist Action has not been able to maintain its usual coverage this week. We apologise to our readers.
*x e will however be back to normal next week.
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Why railworkers voted "No"
News
the imposition of driver only operation. The 'no'
VALERIE COULTAS and GREG TUCKER inter-
ballot and the situation following it.
What did the NEC decide 1o de in the light of the result of the ballot?
Our priority now changes to the question of the sack-
workers Immingham, South Wales and Scotland
We have to accept as
crecolve committee that this is the business of the entire memoers up the union. You can't talk dooul une mme who have been dismissed for carryIng out lne poncy or lnel annual general meeting in the valletcis happens over driver-only operation.
wnal we nave lo now is to go to the British Railways board and make that ertectly clear them. WA't HUL going over there with our heads hung low because of ballot that was on the imposition driver-only operation. The ballgame is now complete v ditterent. The ISUCOW IS about workers victimised for car rying out union policy. We are going to ask the board
in mediataty wise ail the
immediately with comuoes unev na oerore
them. CVCTY single one of
If they do not they will
RAILWORKERS, and the entire working class, suffered a severe defeat last week when NUR guards voted 'no' to industrial action against
Wrote followed a rapid build u of inustrial action in Glasgow, South Wales and Londor
View from the NEC
viewed GEOFF REVELL, a member of the executive of the NUR, for his view of the outcome of the strike
find themselves in further conflict with this union.
Do you think it's likely that local areas and regions of the NUR will continue to take action in defence YCLISeE workers? wollld hone that worker, wherever they are, will allow their commader to be sacked for carrying vut inc poncies or lnel ulci.
Evo yo ulllk ulc Gecislon of the NUR AGM to have the ballot and comply with the Tory Trade Union laws was a mistake? A lot of NUR militants are saying that Scargill was right ue ller kenoro gu for a ballot, and that the NUR was wrong to decide to take this issue to a ballot in the first place?
The AGM delegates were mistaken in belief inat inev could conduct a ballot without the kind of interference from manage ment that we've had in this one. The people who were sacked dismissed. in their letters had the very Salllc appeared on the ballot paper 'You are in breach of your contract of employment'. The
It showed the tremendous
areas where the strikes developed and other parts of
the country
reasons for the 'no' vote. Socialist Action interviewed
GEOFF REVELL, a member of the NUR executive, on
his view of the ballot result.
Jimmy Knapp
question on the ballot was obviously designed to terrify them from taking action.
British Rail had a roll, ing programme as well.
They didn't sack everyone dE OIe Inl ocolland ana South Wales they gave them conse their position. They left it for another week ocrore they went for Immingham.
One of the reasons for bringing the ballot forward was to interfere with the strategy of the British Rail Board - which was almost daily putting further pressure on our members.
uneyeness between the
TONI GORTON, an NUR guard, looks at the
url"
Can I return to the question that we asked before. Do NUR'AGM decision to the think that the cept the imposition of the Trade Union laws and go for this ballot as a way ol fighting to defend guards' jobs was the wrong strategy to adopt?
Yes. For the reasons l've outlined. I think they were
the bosses would allow the ballot place without interference. But on top of that you have io consider that the ecutive committee had called a strike on driver only operation at least 48 per cent of our member-
their jobs.
year of bitter struggle,
present situation' then so can we.
But why was there
"по' vote in the ballot
when evervone trom thi national British Rail tess through
walancicil. to activists in the union
thought it would be 'yes'?
Is it simply the case that
following the defeat of the miners workers are
unwilling to struggle? It's TrIle the impact of the
miners' strike is an imporluco ae ro vor but on its own it doesn't rule out action by workers today — as the rapid in•ts nacaon hakel Glasgow, South Wales and London showed
First the stakes in this dispute were extremely high. Management made t very clear how high with almost 400 sackings suspensions within days Everv guard knew ther were voting for all out, indefinite strike action and
confrontation which would lead to a lockout of all their fellow workers
In this situation they weren't confident that the rail union leadership was oftering a strategy which could win. ship would have respond-
to that. , 1 happen to believe that it would have been from day one we would had more than 48 per cent.
Those people respon ding would have built up a momentum. Unions don't have the kind of membership ie e ouarle ang
blow whistle everyone it going to go out. That kind oscioite reasons that are obvious. JuST ist't there anvmere
But we couid have built on ine response io strike action with far more than 48 per cent
we wolte have been able to bring
Socialist Action 6 September 1985
A battle lost
LAST WEEK, British Rail guards voted by 4815 to 4360 a majority of 455 against taking industrial action against driver only operation and in defence of Despite this big setback we have to prepare now for the next round of battles. If after a miners' leader Scargill can arge his supporters to 'look further afield than the
1 N€ second element
was the decision by the 985
Annual General Meeting
of the NUR to operate
within the framework of
the ballot itself. The
By Toni Gorton,
NUR Guard
AGM's narrow decision to
ballot before strike action
Was reached only after
repeentioand per nimm
Jimmy
Knapp who promised that
we should 'turn this into a
sword to smite them with'.
Far from turning it into demobirsed sword, the ballot
people It
reinforced fears of going it
alone, oi the division of
grade SLEPS Bra c,
ASLEF's defeat.
Knapp did not give a lead
of type showed by
Scargill but orientated in
exactly the opposite direc-
LUll.
More specifically, the
No vote came from areas which had been prepared for struggle by
SUlUarL' aLUONS Lake during the miners' strike. Massive 'no'
other sections out and that would have been enough to shut down the railway network.
So as a member of the NEC you would have preferred the union leadership to take a principled stand against driver only operation and to campaign for industrial action im mediately people were threatened with the sack for retusing to take out those trains.
I believe if we were a cambenzille unuu Loe as place we wouldn't have to concern GUSCIVC with
nt. ere nere ballot or
want prere the ACM decision proaching situation on the ballot would have Docil brelLy mcevalni pressure that being placed on the NEC by th‹
Rail Board was designed breach of the 1984 Trade
Union Act they could SLUD on 29 August taking place.
How are we going to detend our policies on pro• ductivity over the next six months without being in breach of the 1984 Trade
AGM sought to protect us from?
So you would have preferred if the NEC had called HAHLSI? without going to a ballot?
Yes Can we ask you about
from the Westean gion East
Anglia Western
excluding Wales and the
South East.
Of the NUR cuise
also has its scabs and its
scab depots who
management cosset and treasure. There are older
workers who are reluctant
to endanger any redunden-
cy money or their few re-
maining years of paid main line And there are
main guards who believe their jobs are safe
until all lines are electrified
and high speed trains routinely equipped with sliding doors.
Given the pressures
the proportion of the 'ye vote was a sign of the will.
fight significant part of the guards, traditionally the most militant sector of the
NUR
must be clearly recognised that the union is weakened by the vote and concessions and com.
promises will forced
from it as a result. But the Tory government has won a battle not the war. The cannot yet feel great confidence in their ability carry through with their full plans when in the
days of struggle NTELCU during August they were
promising guards that their jobs wer SCCUC They must fought for these jobs every inch of the way
Knapp's leadership of the union. Over the last three years Knapp has twice argued at AGMs in favoar of being allowed to NCERC Oe орег» tion. He lost that position But this year he argued i favour of ballots and wor the position LICE we've got this result? What does that mean for Knapp as a trade union leader?
wasn't Jimmy Knapp who put the ballot item on to the agenda of the AGM! It as him who argued for i up and down the countr: beforehand!
There was a demand for ballots though. And it was used during the miners strike. People were wooed
y the populist argumen
ind the AĞM was the fir: time before the membership. this issue was pu
I think it might be a tactical mistake from the position we are in now to be against any ballot. But the kind of balloting that sato nal ray stake you national strike you must ballot the membership is proved to be false The Specia Genera Meeting we have called will have to take that or board as well.
What position have they played their NEC in to carry out their policies. That's what we are going to have to consider.
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4
Rail
After the ballot
THE BALANCE of forces has clearly shifted to management, demands will force confrontation after confrontation with the workers who have not been decisively defeated and who have a proven will to fight. This will be the case however disorientated and dismayed they may be at the moment.
Tory plans for railways have been dead CeLI for years. They're outlined in the 1982 BR Plan and the 1983 Serpell Report.
drastic the
ficially many
several op-
At one some
moderate is the only one tested. government
tion.
Even the collaboration of the old
guards over '82
back ASLEF constant thought in railworkers
posed.
Another showdown
ake on and
the same time.
won.
and who tradi-
be The union
leadership
industrial
can be contrasted with the
Scargill
pits and communities.
They
allow meas-
ures SUCH piecework
call for all
action six
the NUR,
ship
routine keeping
droom. 10,000
workshop jobs went
During the miners'
strike promise
Socialist Action 6 September 1985 but the very scale of government
wanted 'stability' in the industry was bought for a
increase.
the guards'
which failed the
tain areas,
fightback can be The
end of the taking ac-
those
Action committees
meetings held,
In that situation we
that would and fight, mobilising member
which stood
stages.
defend the union.
called General
12 September
have suspended.
that all driver operation is
possible the and
gual us,
the ballot.
of the will they
cies,
have
removal of in the next
period.
The for
continue.
the propaganda for
, BR has withheld rising
dalism system
case
fOr the of the
fits is a useful argument in any campaign against productivity demands.
The decision to abide by the 1984 Trade Union Act anti-democrate reversed. These laws are designed destroy the unions: The voice of members is expressed in their willingness to struggle anci lert others in action.
Branches of the NUR will considering how they wish to mandate
delegates the Special General Meeting. Top of the list should be to insist the delegates call fro
reinstatement of all sacked members with
Miners
Amnesty for all
I WU stayed for a brief discusBy Carol Turner
Women Against Pit Closure groups from around the country, the demonstrators acreed. will be there in force. Meanwhile Lancashire and other miners handed out 'one industry, one union' stickers, while more waved luminous yellow flags
legend
'Yorkshire NUM calls for the immediate reinstatement of sacked miners.
that compromises driver only
doesn't resistance
To the to step
introduce driver only
the
own order. Mercared the workers.
No many of expected, though knew then,
support
it will timonious blessing
by the and sup-
Glasgow hit hard
shocked guards' ballot.
reinstate-
Glasgow along with guards. Labour-controlled Strathclyde
Callie Of
guards and withdrawal of subsidies to
happen.
This welcome
beginning the Transport
has come
of local Labour full
support
been
for the guards.
refused to
from
Yorkshire, Notts and Kent came to
Communities
Miners' Support Group.
The carnival commit-
tee donated two stalls and
the AInc
Committee shared part of
Inel stall help the
miners and miners wives
sell material for the cam-
paign In addition, the
Lord Eric band shared its
float with the miners
draped with banners made
by the Black Delegation.
The visit helped to
develop bet.
ween the black and mining
communities during the
miners strike, when the
Black Delegation SCul
RAIL WORKERS in the West of Scotland were
and disgusted with the outcome of the Guards at Glasgow Central feel determined go back
to the fund.
Workers the Glasgow BREL workshops have taken
Central
of as
jobs.
trontations with the
tinue. action the rundown of work-
ballot to pursue that
Unior feel
laws propriate being
La successful unofficial stop West
Black-miners unity
OVER THE bank-holiday weekend, miners from
participate in London's Notting Hill Carnival to build support for jailed and sacked miners. Like last year, the visit was organised by the Black Delegation to the Mining
and the Kensington and Chelsea
groups of black people to mining areas joined picket lines, and spoke at meetings.
This unity was manifested again when the miners received a warm from the carnival. Support for the victimised miners continues - a suostantial amount ol
many was colleted and
Canal WOLC Black Delegation sticker *Black people support the Miners' Our struggles continue.
News
br have
the this means are unstafted
pounds advertisements
ballot. Over €15,000 has been spent copy of *Modern
employee, the
NUR West Council Saturday
to fight.
save Glasgow
to con-
timisation • 0010
can have The reception that the
miners received was all the
more enthusiastic when
people realised they were
donating one-quarter
their collection to the
black miners in South
Africa.
As usual police picked
out the miners tor specia
treatment. Threatening to
suppoiler. who
displayed miners' banners
they harassed collectors
and then took the un-
precedented of
throwing the followers of
the miners' float out of the
procession
Notting Hill showed
yet again the importance
of the unity in action bet-
ween the exploited and op
pressed, nationally and in.
ternationally.
Page 5 scan of this page
Expanding the republican base
News
AN PHOBLACHT, the weekly paper supported by Sinn Fein, in its 8 August issue carried a major interview with GERRY ADAMS. The president of Sinn Fein outlined the situation of that following the recent local elections in the north and south of Ireland.
the interview.
What is your assessment of • 1E election results North and South?
As far as Sinn Fein is Concericu ourselves objectives for
election and in both elections we secured those opiectives.
In the sx Sunties We wanted to consolidate the republican position and to develop new middle leadership Sinn Fein. This we have begun to do.
SDLP
Wildleyel
Furthermore, British claim
DICyIUUs
ties for obvious Icasulls, slower,
and we set ourselves, DOLI publicly and minimum
39.
LUI
Fein; was mainly
in their Delase
Will
of Sinn
worth noting Thati performance and development in the North in recent years have received dramatic news coverage, this performance and these developments were possible because a fairly clear republican base already existed. What we nave been doing in recent years mas pen to surucure nal base.
Outside of a few clearly identifiable and
this sort altas republican base does not
exist in the twenty-six counties. Moreover, for tre past decade ana even longer, there has been no
together any republican bases which do exist into a structured party organisation.
organisation
Socialist Action is printing major extracts from
We suffer the
in the twenty-six perceived
Section
been factor
the dualis!
al these reasons we see this
ly developing
last
this year.
We are our
tent, more accountable
being : built
been side with
while areas they have kept
that the
the SDLP always been there, they
of nationalist who drew
HALOI LISL
power, SDLP
work alongside republicans on which the
where it
Fein. would, perhaps,
of opportunism
areas.
party
comodate an
Duffy
their
To be honest,
terences
perception would
ferences.
gle in the six counties and. when Sinn Fein began to put its radical politics to the electorate, the middle class politics of the SDLP
emerge more clearly than ever.
What do you think will emerge from the LondonDublin talks?
It would be foolish to try and speculate, but what Is interesting the kitellying unal ls golg ou a the moment, particularly
This kite-flying coincides with report published by the Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies, enulice Britain's Undefended Frontier — A Policy ror Ulster. Written by T.E. Utley. Tory adviser alon with John Biggs-
Davidson, Nicholas Budgen, Peter Lloyd and Patrick Мастогу, this report recommends a joint 'Anglo-Irish security commission' to co-ordinate the campaign against the IRA
military sup-comatillec made up of both Dublin and British insurgency forces, Anglo and a secrefarial for an Irish council Tese are na
These the very ideas that are being leaked at the moment.
So we can first of all conclude that given the British government's position and in fairness to them they have been very, very clear the Dublin Forum report is out and all its options are out
What is clear is that they are discussing anything that will make any meaningful towards Irish independence or peace. And it is hardly surprising that that ls the nature ments. What they are val- Casc both given the govern-
ing about is in fact how to defeat republicanism.
I keep harking back to the fact that the only thing that has survived out of the Sunningdale talks, the so-called Sunningdale agreement which was laud. ca al Inat umne Dy Dubll and SDLP politícians as actually what Wolfe Tone had fought and died for,
Inn
cIn
fact the
Act legislation. have
years suggest that more and more people are rejec-
Irish constitutiona natonansa as a means o1 achieving Irish unity? Yes, but Irish constitutona. nationalism is not aimed securing Irish unity. The terms 'constitutional nationalism' are fact a contradiction. What
are talking about British constitutionality.
clever, but don" believe that Dublin
hey and partionista
are partitionist their outlook, partitionist in their politics and their ideology. I don't believe that the SDLP leadership is serious about Irish unidemocratic They are socia
party in the six-county context.
What we have witnessed in the last two years is
Fein, the Dublin ment has been forced to give the impression that it is concerned and that it is doing something. This has all been for the benefit of the SDLP What emerged from this flurry of
Socialist Action 6 September 1985 'concerned'
Besides civil suade the
classical by and to isolate oi produce something will
the elec torate of twenty-six counties the
But what nationalist voters in the North who, for want of a better word,
constitutional tionalism as a real political option? For them is the lesson of the last two years not that there is no way left but armed struggle? That will only become an parent as Sinn Fein develops and I don't know if all the people in the six counties who are antiunionist would ever come round to supporting the armed struggle. But I de know that it is up to us to
least, give them political alternative to th SDLP
As we develop our
5 organisation then question will be answered but certainly anyone who takes seriously the ques tion of Irish independenc must conclude that afte aheer the last is years of ine last two the tionalism is not the way to SDLP, CORALE freedom,
and they must start looking at the alternative.
In the twenty-six counties where will Sinn Fein get its voter support?
Obviously, the policies which we are pursuing are socialist republican policies — I use the words socialist republican simply to mark tne anierence Del ween our republicanism ano Fianna Fail's. "The voters we're targeting are people who have become aware that the social and
difficulties the twenty-six counties cannot be solved within a twenty-six county context. In other words we have to show that there are logical and sound political economic and social
for Irish independence, well patriotic reasons.
Do you think that Sinn Fein has successfully expounded that idea to the public?
No Sinn Fein has been successful in those
arensolate de bar base
consolidated and Malve worked sistently alongside people
In the areas where wi have organised we : have reached a combination of people who would support the republican position on partition, on the right to self-determination, and the right of the IRA to engage in armed struggle, along with people who accept our policies on the economic situation and have seen us working on
Ac aloule
Vhe 1 we develop our organisanon Ino d rele vant party, the vote we will want to b Fianna Fail or Labour vote
prescill the tionalist rump of Fianna Fail, and the urban, tradi tional Labour Party. Bur we're not going to be able to take these votes in any great measure at the mo ment.
What is the strategy of Sinn Fein in the coming year, and what in particular would you like see comin out of this
ear's Ard-Fheis!
ry and fuse all the loca
whether it's consumers. unemployed trade youth with the na tional question. To bring about struggle has a correct, principle position on partition, and which has nonopportunistic and consis tent position on social and economic questions.
We have an internal ConTe enca September, before the Ard-Fheis. to conduct a national review of the local government results and to assess our progress mid-
Page 6 scan of this page
Democracy and revol
6 Socialist Action 6 September 1985 BLACK PEOPLE in South Africa are not simply victims of super racial prejudices and discrimination unparalleled in the world. Terms like racism are totally inadequate to describe the situation. The attitude of individual whites, and laws can be described as 'racist', but the apartheid system is more than that.
The South African state itself is based on outlawing black people in their own country summed up by the brutal pass law system whereby blacks
considered "foreigners'
South Africa.
Officially, blacks cannot cross a road without showing a passport, every street is a border post. They have no right to own land. They have no rights to live in the cities.
Black
The vast bulk of black workers are still official categorised as 'migrants' whose only recognised place residence is in a distant bantustan. incy have no ngut to orig lael wives and children to live with them.
And, of course, blacks are deprived. of a vote. deprived of any right to even minimal control over the political system in their country.
Other settler states in history have in practice operated in this way. there is a fundamental contradiction for the South African whites. The white Ohe ACCUSED
American settlers slaughtered native Indian population, Australian whites aboriginal population, Caledonia the French Caldoches moved in enough whites to outnumber the Kanak population, but in South Africa the black population is there and is five times the size of the white population.
It is this situation that sums up the basic character of simply discrimination, or even the expression of racist prejudice, it is a state system of a particular type. gle of black people can only be vic-
system completely.
It IS against this apartheid state system that the South African revolution is inevitably directed, and it is this that gives the struggle of black people its fundamental dynamic. character of the struggle that black people are engaged in assumes the form of a revolutionary struggle for democracy and national liberation. summed up 1n the slogan of majority rule son, one vote. That is the key to every other demand — including the transfer of the land to the black population, and the development of the struggle for socialism.
Axis within
The struggle for socialism in South Africa passes through the struggle for national liberation and democracy. It is through this struggle for democratic demands that a violent clash will unfold with the capitalist class in South Africa.
The first step in developing a correct appreciation of the dynamic of the South African revolution is to reject the economistic wrong forces who attempt to explain that the key demands in South Africa are in of
FIRS capitalist, for the nationalisation of the top monopolies and so on. tionary democratic demands. in everv aspect, constitute the cutting edge and axis of the South African revolution. Other struggles will unfold from this axis — not the other way around.
The cornerstone of this approach is But to recognise that the state that exists in South Africa is not a nation state. It is a state of the white settler class,
TREASON TRIAL
DECEMBER 1956
the which the black population is excluded. the The struggle of the majority of the slaughtered population is a struggle to create a
New single nation, and a single nation state, in South Africa.
to the white settler state — which insists that there are at least four nations inideology that corresponds to this apartheid. It is not that of 'separate development' and the
creation to the different tribal and supposed The strug- 'national' groups which they define.
smashing that state Land
proach is starkly revealed by the fact that these so-called separate nations in South Africa, wnich overwhelming majority of the populaThe tion, the land, holds more than 80 per cent.
— one per- has gone through
stages of development. Initially even the most advanced forces of the black 'population accepted this framework of
majority separate nations — and the African Na-
tional Congress was originally formed with the aim of creating a African nation out of the different tribal groups, whites' coloured and Asian nations.
gest that the course of the liberation struggle in South Africa through a stage of partition and the establishment state. This is what corresponded to the exisung consciousness vanced forces among the black majoriscnelds ty population and was correct at that
time as an application of the right of directly anti- nations to self-determination. But it is
today bypassed.
Revolu-
Soweto
ward in the struggle was taken in identifying the existence of a black nation comprising all the black, Asian and coloured people of South Africa. This was the tremendous advance registered by the black consciousness movement, the from leading force of the Soweto uprising: Nelson Mandela
This perspective is directly counter
and proposes ar
of bantustans corresponding
The reality of this latter racist ap-
are confined to 13.7 percent of
whereas the white minority
The black struggle in South Africa
several different
single
while it accepted the definition of separate white,
This led Trotsky in the 1930s to sug-
would pass of a separate African of the most adIn the 1970s another huge leap for-
South African racists.
Soweto uprising in 1976 Its leader, Steve Biko, not surprisingly
'coloured by the
However while this consciousness of a necessary unity of all the black people of South Africa was a vital step forward it did not provide an adequate framework for countering the 'separate
vital.
nations' ideology of the white supremacists. Today the leadership of
national liberation struggle put forward the clear and unambiguous position that there is one nation in South Africa, comprising all who live in it. The national struggle is for the forging of a nation state that corresponds to that reality. Whites will have to accept the authority and legitimacy of that nation state. The whites have no special rights, they do not constitute a separate nation. Ihat is a basis of any revolu tionary strategy in South Africa.
It is in this context also that the land question comes to the fore. As long a the majority of the South Africa population is confined to 13.7 per cent of the land there can be no resolution of the national question. The national necessarily istroive a tremendous class liberation struggle must struggle in the countryside against the wille capilalist farmers. i reel make land available to the population as a whole. Without taking the land from the white settlers there can be no successful conclusion of the national liberation struggle in South Africa. Any attempted solution which does not resolve this question, as for example occurred in Zimbabwe, is not capable of meeting even the democratic and national aspirations of the black population as a whole.
Goals
In order to achieve these goals of the revolution a movement which insists upon the right of one person one vote, and which understands this can only be achieved through the violent overthrow of the apartheid state,
The white settler ruling class is thoroughly opposed to any democratic system in South Africa, because it i •directly and fundamentally counterposed to their own class interests and their own rule.
In the present political upsurge the destabilisation of the South African economy has meant that sections of the
Page 7 scan of this page
tion in South Africa
white ruling class have suffered real economic damage. Some sections the ruling class have even begun to demand quite radical reform of apartheid.
However, we should be quite clear what this means. It does not mean that sections of the white ruling class think it may be more profitable to abolish apartheid as such. None stand for any system of one person one vote and the right of blacks to the land held by the white settlers. Big capital think that the offering of radical reforms and concessions within the framework of maintaining intact the apartheid state might he more ettective in heading oft the present upsurge of the black masses than using more and more military repression. They favour only limited transformations of the economic British
The same applies to the sections of the US and British ruling class which are beginning raise the issue of reform of apartheid. The problem is that they don't know what such concessions would be. They simply think it should be the minimum necessary to head off the rising rebellion but at the same time to hold the foundations of the apartheid state intact.
This framework means that possible pontical comprises perialism could propose are rather narrow. Meanwhile PW Botha's National Party remains convinced that any partial concessions would simply have the chec or Tanning cne rames or ine South African revolution 'constitutional reform' of dramatically indicated. And at present the majority of the white population rather evidently agrees with Botha.
The attitude of Botha's white base is perhaps shown up most clearly on the relatively straightforward issue of the demand for the release of imprisoned ANC leader Nelson Mandela. Whereas У0 per cent of blacks demand his realise without contentions. 57 per cent whites oppose his release under any cir-
cumstances at all.
With the whites so hostile to even the most minimal concession to the masses it is exceedingly unlikely that a programme even of minimal reforms can be drawn up that would be both acceptable to the whites, and be sufficient to head off the present wave of black revolt. This is what the imperialists are real
African ruling class. But whether they can get it is altogether another matter.
class united in its opposition to the end of the apartheid state, and with a vir-
population as a whole, the question of armed struggle and the violent over-
enormous mass struggle in the cities and in the countryside, it is also the case that black people have to build their
The Economist recently has taken
the apartheid regime in the present upsurge can easily be overestimated if it is forgotten that the South African state is armed to the hilt, with a loyal army, and the black masses at present have to largely rely on sticks, stones and petrol the im-
Socialist
It is elementary for British socialists to defend the right of black people of South Africa to arm themselves, and to the fight gun in hand. Indeed we give them 1983 every encouragement in doing so. For-
tunatelv arallIst virtual v regime in the world is the legitimacy of armed action so widely accepted against South Africa.
But the entire key to the revolutionary struggle in South Africa finally lies in the black which has to beable to come forward to lead the nation in the struggle against of apartheid.
The whole aim of the white ruling
class, through prevent the formation of a stable,
to labour unrest by
the cities. Boom
working class is now 8-9 million strong
These unions
and throughout They really
dustrial struggles in the early 1980s.
All these
company bosses. develops directly
general the strikes and struggles led by these unions had an dustrial character.
OLICI
mass stay aways
working class itself, UDF, the community
trade perspectives.
against the 1983 socialist tasks. the
1976 Soweto events.
democratic
theid state
Africa.
perialist backers. perienced apartheid, was to none are immune.
ban black working class. By classifying
population the majority of workers as 'migrants',
'coloured. and as casual labour' and responding
expulsion to the bantustans, apartheid hoped to prevent stable forms of working class organisation developing among black people in
This policy failed mainly due to the economic boom of the late 1950s and tion. 1960s and the increased need for skills — which demanded a stable workforce.
As a result the black urban and mining black working class.
The On this basis the most lasting feature of the black upsurges of the 1970s was the mushrooming growth of the indepen dent black and non-racial trade unions. nation;
grew out or the specifically industrial struggle — beginning with the Durban strikes in 1973
Soweto events. stabilised themselves through the even greater waves of in-
industrial struggles necessarily involve direct confrontation with apartleid and not just with the
This dynamic because the discriminatory labour legislation, and Theory the attempts to use the apartheid state and its laws to smash strikes. But in
class in essentially in-
However with the new upsurge of the mass struggle against apartheid the activities of the unions increasingly interlock with the mass national liberation struggle. The highest point of this interconnection has been seen with the and
- for example the stay away in the Vaal area south of
Over Johannesburg in November last year socialist ones. which was organised collectively by the Will
organisations and the independent trade unions. This was one of the most effective actions can be certain. organised against apartheid in the cur-
rent round of the struggle
The new upsurge in the national liberation struggle has deepened the discussion in the black and non-racial
about their political
This discussion has centred on the issue of affiliation to the mass organisations that led the boycott campaign
and 1984 raciallybased elections. And a discussion had begun on what 'independent working class politics' means in the context of apartheid. It also begins to pose directly the overflowing of the democratic struggle against apartheid into directly
It is the much greater development of working class organisation that gives the current upsurge in South Africa its unprecedented scope and intensity -which takes it far beyond any previous experience in that country. It gives the present upsurge the character of being a much closer approximation to a general insurrection than either the first period
. struggle agains apartheid show. leading to Sharpeville in 1961, or to the
A tremendous intertwining of the must
revolution and socialist revolution is developing South Africa.
that 10 1s through the democratic struggle to smash the apar-
the perspectives of socialism will be opened up in Soutt
It is that democratic struggle that will open up the perspective of the overthrow of South African capitalism
and the expropriation of its im-
The South African revolution is still not a matter of short term struggle -there should be no illusions on that but the different elements that will go to make up that revolution are coming together in a more and more clear cut way — not just in theory, but in the living experience of the struggle itself.
Firstly we see its character developing as a nationwide and national struggle. All areas of the country have ex-
distinct waves of protest, Secondly the protests involve every section of the black
African, and
Many areas of the country have become virtual no-go areas with barricades and militarily organised exclusion of the apartheid police and army. The local 'separate' administrations of the black areas have been dismantled by the blacks themselves. Only five of the 38 black local councils established in the 1983 reforms continue to func-
Black collaborators have been driven out of their posts. And in all these developments we see more and more clearly the leading role of the
Broad of the South African revolution is clear. The black working class must place itself at the head of the
It must carry through the destruction of the apartheid state — a destruction that can only be achieved through violent revolution. Through this struggle it must fight to transfer political power into the hands of the black working class and peasants. Only by these means can even the democratic ment revolution in South Africa be carried through to conclusion in every aspect including the transfer of land to the black majority and the achievement of person the task of national liberation.
But the arrival of the black working
political power necessarily something eise. There is no 'Chinese wall' between the tasks of democratic revolution in South Africa and those of socialism. The conquest of political power by the black South African workers and peasants, along South the axis of the struggle for democracy
against the apartheid regime, means the revolution will begin to grow which
from the democratic tasks to
this struggle to overthrow apartheid result in the creation of a workers state in South Africa? No one
That will be determined in struggle itself. But to the degree that
Socialist Action 6 September 1985 7 Steve Biko power does not pass into the hands of South Africa's workers and peasants to that degree even the democratic revolution will be aborted as innumerable examples from Zimbabwe to India
But the line of march is clear in South Africa. The black working class
throw itself totally into the democratic revolution. It must seek to lead it - in alliance with the black peasants. How far down that line of march to a workers state South Africa the working class will be able to go depends on the relation of forces that emerges in the struggle itself. Thi more that the black working class is able to take up and lead the democratic revolution the closer it will come to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Any tur ning away from the the tasks of the democratic revolution, any leaving of the leadership of the struggle to any other force, will both serve to abort the democratic struggle itself and leave the working class further away from the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
There was a famous maxim of the French revolution 'On s'engage et puis on voit' - one engages in the struggle then one sees what happens. Today the working class must take the leadership of the democratic revolution in South Africa. This struggle to overthrow the apartheid state will be what determines how far every other struggle in South
Democratic
Africa can go — including the struggle
SOCISIO carrying through the democratic revolution to its conclusion, not making an attempt to skip over it, that will determine the success of the socialist revolution in South Africa. The carrying through of the transfer of political power into the hands of the workers and peasants -and that means their black majority -that is the strategic line of march of the South African revolution within which all other tasks are situated.
This also determines how all organisations claiming to lead the South African revolution
are to be judged. The criteria of a correct orientation in South Africa today is not a formal commitment to socialism — still less emphasis on economic struggle. It is a radical and unswerving commit-
carrying through the democratic revolution. That is the correct line in South Africa
Unequivocal commitment to one
one vote, the unambiguous understanding that this can only be achieved through the violent overthrow of the apartheid state; ding that the tasks of the democratic revolution can only be fully achieved through the transfer of political power into the hands of the working class. therefore the necessity of the radical destruction of state power of apartheid and the capitalist class, , these are the criteria of a correct strategic line in the
African revolution today. All other tasks, including the attack on the economic bastions of the capitalist class
will the way for socialism situated within tha political framework and flow out of it.
Only such a political line will ensure the complete destruction of the apartheid state. Only such a political line
finally open the way for socialism in South Africa.
Page 8 scan of this page
Nicaragua's economyat war
8 LAST WEEK Socialist Action carried the first part of an interview we conducted EVANS, an economist working with the Nicaraguan Economic and Social Research Institute. This week Trevor considers the impact of the war and the criticism of those who argue the Nicaragua hasn't experienced a real socialist revolution because a significant part of the economy remains in private hands.
How has the increase in
attacks, the war, contra affected the economy?
The war is a sophisticated strategy by the US. I don't think that the Us have any illusions
the Sandinista Since 1982 they
and
attacks aimed
and
bry the the cooperatives, the investments the state farms, and the social the
figures the United
1983-84
result contra at-
value of So the first
duction.
The
devoted By
the budget
quarter of the total economy.
thus
tage.
So how has the government responded econom. ¡cally to these problems?
By 1984 serious problems
emerging. Whereas can get the basic six foods official cheaper prices was becoming much more difficult to get other essential goods at official prices shirts, trousers and shoes for example. People therefore have had to go to the free the prices are much higher.
What had been happening was that members of the informal commercial sector buy up goods cheaply at the official price and then sell them again and again until the fina consumer can only get them much inflated prices.
As a result of that situation the government introduced an emergency package of measures February. This has several components. tried to increase output by
people back from commerce into production. This will make more goods available and reduce the number of people living off the difference
between official and free market prices.
Socialist Action 6 September 1985
with TREVOR
The attempted to reduce the amount of monev in the economy by cutting the government delicit so as to prevent free market prices rising so much. Inis meant freezing expenditure
social programmes, and with great reluctance eliminating subsidies on basic foods.
Although official
spies hey are to loner
lower
How has affected popular revolution!
very grim • in Nicaragua. There have been
tors.
COIL
impression that the situation more
ficult.
The has eaten
living atay standards, life
enormous
against and
life is dif evel. ficult, my that for the
bargo?
been there
Nicaragua 1982. So
with the SUICE
about 18 of exports. this
loss is important.
's harvest So, from
least
of other
U.S.
She is beef, and
embargo. The most
machinery
which old
got US since
most of the
CIA agents lead contras near Costa Rican border
The response of othe countries to the embargo has been excellent. It was
countries in Europe but particularly by Inost of Latin America — even by relatively conservative countries.
An interesting expres sion ot the boltical suoport that Nicaragua is currently getting from other Latin American countries
the fact that the Nicaraguan ambassador in Britain has been elected as the spokesperson Latin American lobbying
diplomats.
the contra
Since 1982 the the revolute Nicaragua
social
try nas had to be
vival. government takes the and possibility US
seriously.
although European and other pressure on the Us not to invade is very important,
only real Nicaragua has against invasion own preparedness to defend the country und the tary
the military authorities will know that the country will be defended every inch of the way.
Some people on the left here say that Nicaragua's is not a proper revolution, it's not a socialist revolution. Not all the means of production have been na-
are still allowing the cantaists to operate and indeed they are even subsidising some of them, etc. How would you swel this type of criticism?
Firstly there is the issue of what happened in 1977 to 1979. think wasn't simply a political revolltion, wasn't simply change of government. It was genuinely popular revolution. The urban and agrarian workers ticipated in overthrowing the government and the process of social transfor nation. So I think it was social as well as a political revolution.
Since 1979 the govern-
IRELAND
UNFREE
and set an example for the rest of the European working class. deserves.
19 July 1984 and has continued to
support.
consumer selectivity. In Ireland
themselves.
old-fashioned methods of bullying their
ment has had to develop all sorts of novel torms to deal with the Lype. of inat they face. Part of that included capitalist sector of production One of the lessons of the revolution however is the innovation the FSLN have introduced in forms of social control. So while It is true lal part or lne private handsme FLN economy remains have evolved forms Workers at Dunne's supermarket in Dublin have been on strike for over a year now after being sacked for refusing to sell South African goods. They have won world-wide fame —
THE LABOUR Committee on Ireland this week announced that it is bringing Mary Manning, leader of the Dunnes' workers anti-apartheid strike in Ireland to this year's Labour Party Conference in Bournmouth. It is seeking co-operation from a range of sympathetic organisations to ensure that her visit wins the wide support in Britain which it
The strike at Dunnes started over a year ago on
win support ever since. The picket line in Dublin's Henry Street is an essential part of any visit to Ireland — and has seen Bishop Tutu as well as Arthur Scargill come to pay respects to the womens' stand and record their
In Britain the demand for a boycott of South African goods has focussed on the government and
- thanks to the determined stand of the distributive workers' union IDATU led by militant left-winger John Mitchell -this struggle won the support of shop workers
Many big stores conceded to pressure early on and quietly withdrew South African goods from their shelves. The Dunnes management, steeped in
predominantly young female workforce, and
social regulation and control that ensure these private sectors subject to social regulaLION government constantly having to deal wiu large contradictions and problems at the same time. i is also constantly having to
balance of domestic, international,
and political contradictions. Constantly the government is having to choose the lesser of
disregarding the union, failed to reckon on the
determination of Mary Manning and her eleven
colleagues.
much about South Africa or Apartheid a year ago.
It all happened so quickly. One minute Mary
Manning was sat on the food checkout counter and
Tuesday morning shoppers were stepping out intr
the drizzle with bags full of groceries. The next
moment she was refusing to ring up South African
goods on the till and suggesting the customer
bought some other brand.
boycott and which were not. There was instant
union backing, and further provocations by
management — who fired all eleven union
members. By tea time nineteen year old Mary was
on television explaining how she had been
persuaded to act by a union circular reporting the
IDATU conference decision to boycott all South
African goods.
finding visit to South Africa which included a visit
to Winnie Mandela. They were held in the airport
in Johannesburg and sent back to Ireland without
setting foot outside.
This strike is not just the longest running
industriz, acion taken in solidarity with soutt
African blacks — it is the only one and should be
the focus for raising support for the boycott
throvch ut kuroDe
Many estimates suggest that financial support for
The Britsh miners strike ran at an even higher rate in
Dublin than in Birmingham. Anti-apartheid
campaigners in Britain have a perfect demonstration
of practical actions that can be taken to aid the
struggle in South Africa and focus attention on the
abhorrent regime. Financial support for the Dublin
strikers is vital.
Those wishing to get written material on the
anti-apartheid strike or hear Mary Manning in
other towns should contact LCI, BM Box 5355,
London WCIN 3XX
International
Sandinista soldiers prepare defence of Managua several evils, dealing with the problems as they come up, and decide the best option at any moment to pursue the aims of the revolution within its general philosophy.
In this sense the criticisms of comrades other countries don't take account of this. They just miss what it is like having to try and manage socia transformation under-developed country
The strikers freely admit that they knew nothing Management staged an immediate showdown, demanding to know which staff were supporting the In August this year the strikers set out on a fact Irish workers have a fine record of solidarity.
Page 9 scan of this page
Surplus Value
FEW WORDS are used in discussion on socialist strategy on the left as much as 'hegemony' — the working class has to fight for hegemony in the struggie against apartheid in South Africa, working class in Britain has to fight for hegemony in uniting the whole of the exploited and oppressed against capital.
Directly tied to the idea of hegemony however is that alliances. Because necessarily involves leading, and allying, with other social forces. Internationally the tant such alliance is that of the working class and peasantry. But uniting the working class internally and the achievement ailiances with women, blacks, the unemployed, youth, many other social layers decisive aspects of the struggle for the hegemony of the working class.
The concept hegemony is not a new one. It was coined as a political term by Russian Marxists in the 1890s. It was strongly defended by Lenin but its origins go right back to Marx himself.
JOHN ROSS looks at how the concept of hegemony originated in the first writings of Marx.
MARX noted from his earliest writings that every revolution involyed an alliance. In the case of the French revolution commencing 1789, for example, the capitalist class united with the peasantry and working nobility and monarchy.
But the basis of this alliance was that the bourgeoisie, proletariat had real interests in common. Indeed one class can lead other social forces in a revolution precisely because it represents not only its own but also wider social interests. Marx's words:
"The class making a revolution comes forward from the very start. notas a class but as a representative of
the whole of society, mass of society confronting the one ruling class. Struggle
*It can do this because initially its interest really is as yet most connected with the common interests of all other non-ruling classes."'
This alliance is in fact necessary for victory. Because 'each class could actually overthrow its predecessors only by liberating the individuals of all classes from certain chains which had hitherto fettered them'.2
In order to engage victoriously in political struggle - and above all to make a revolution — a class necessartly must represent in struggle not merely itself but also interesis of society as a whole. Without representing such interests class cannot power.
As Marx put it: 'No class of civil society can play awakening a moment of enthusiasm in itself and in the masses: a moment in which this class fraternises and fuses with society in general, becomes identified with it and is experienced and acknowedged as 1t5 representative; a moment in which its claims and rights are truly the rights and claims of society which it is in reality the heart and head o1 socicly.
'Only in the name of the universal rights of society can a particular class lay claim to universal domination.3
A revolution, therefore, develops not in the crude, transparent and simple form of one class another' but through a process in which one class represents in a concentrated form all the development of develops alliances on that basis — and where another (ruling) represents the concentrated sion in a society. As Marx put it:
'Revolutionary spiritual self-confidence enough to storm
the
of
hegemony
most impor-
and are 1n
the feudal
peasants and
In one's own sphere.
as the whole
must universal self-liberation.
liberation par another class overt oppression. '4
Strength
applies dynamic of the situation Africa conquer somoza -
the French monarchy
leader of the nation:
of the French nobility universal clergy determined
itself and in bourgeoisie."
A revolutionary
Independence.
French bourgeois against
progressive
and this. In Marx's words 'Liberalism, oppres- owners,
and are not
position of
Marx discussing with Parisian workers liberator and to ensure thereby the political exploitation of all the other spheres of society in the interests of
'If the revolution of a people and the emancipation of a particular class of civil society are to coincide, if one class is to stand for the whole of society, then all the deficiencies of society
be concentrated in another class, one particular class must be the class which gives universal offence, the embodiement of a general limitation; one particular sphere of society mes tapola of socioto so that the
so inal ine liberation of this sphere appears as
'If one class is to be the class of
excellence, then must be the class of
The above description - which
beautifully the in South the struggie against - was exemplified for Marx, for example, in the French revolution
- where the notorious oporession by
feudal nobility and allowed the French bourgeoisie to come forward as the
'The negative general significance and French the general significance of the class which stood
class, merciore must necessarily put forward its goals as universal interests of society - d classic example of which is the ringing tones of the American Declaration of
In the case of the revolution, the capitalist class proclaimed the right to private property not as a right of particular class but as a universal right — and furthermore the revolutionary bourgeoisie was prepared to act on
Die liberal property the beginning of the French revolution gave private property a liberal appearance by declar-
ing it one of the rights of man. They were forced to do so if only because of
The vanguard
of humanity
their position as a revolutionist party; they were compelled not only to give the mass of the French (rural) populaion the right to property, (but also to let them seize actual property."
More generally: 'each new class which puts itself in the place of the one ruling before it is compelled, merely in order to carry through its aim, to present its interests as common interest of all the members of society, that is, expressed in ideal form: it has to give its ideas the form of universality.
rising clas political power in order to express its interests as the general interests ol society: 'every class which is aiming at
even when its domination, as is the case with the proletariat, leads to the abolition of the old form of society in its entirety and of domination in general, must first conquer political power in order to represent its interests in turn as the general interest."
Class
members of the class engaged in the revolutionary struggle. A rising class can conquer only knowing that it is
"The practical task of each newly emerging class was bound to appear to each of its members as a universal task, and when each class could actually overthrow its predecessor only by liberating the individuals of all classes from certain chains which had hitherto fettered them. most revolutionary class in history because its goals are necessarily not the liberation of one class, and the continuation of the oppression and
liberation of the whole of humanity. Unlike all other ruling classes, the working class does not live on the ex-
with the working class is 'the formation of a class with radical chains, a class of civil society which is not a
compelled as proletariat to abolish
itself and thereby its opposite, private property, SISLCLICO de Gal sentence that proletariat. '"
superiority of individual workers but from the nature of the proletariat as a class. 'It is not a question of what this or that proletarian, or even the whole of the proletariat, regards as its aim. It is a question of conquer what the proletariat is, and what, historically be compelled to do.!, Will
Victory
nancha se r
the vanguard fighter for humanity. It is on this basis that the working class
nothing to do with empty sentimenvanguard of humanity, is precisely the guardian of all progressive conquests
seeds of what is to come in the future.
won its historic significance as the
the most valuable achievements of the bourgeois epoch, it has, on the con-
everything of value in the more than two thousand years of the develop-
Again in Lenin's words, in his famous What is to be Done,
workers are trained to respond to all
work, 'the Marxist ideal should not be
Socialist Action 6 September 1985 the labour policy. the left.
"classical
humanity aspirations. degrees today. and which makes it pro-
Guevara or a . The proletariat executes the
private property proitself by producing the humanistic. achievements This role flows not from the moral
at the momen
with this being,
the black
14 The working class i
that degree, class. capital.
political society.
(4) MEEW,
) MECW MECH
MECW (10)
(12) MEEW
(I2) Lenin In terms of agitation and political (16) Lenin,
(17) Lenin,
9
the trade-union secretary, but the tribune of the people, who is able to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it appears, no matter what stratum or class of the people it affects."e
In Lenin's words any retreat from
struggle for hegemony represented a capitulation to reforms. "To preach to the workers that what they need is "not hegemony, but a class party" means to betray the caus of the proletariat to the liberals; i means preaching that Marxist labour policy should be replaced by a libera idea of hegemony is the crudest form of reformism."
The idea of the hegemony of the working class is the most fundamenta of all political perspectives. It flows directly from Marx, through Lenin. to the current debates on strategy or
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Llamal arrists" and the other great
presented the working class as the vanguard of
and all its progressive Marx's support for the North and ringing denunciation of slavery during the American civil war Marx's support of the German and Italian struggles for national unifica tion; Engel's constant work in sup port of the struggle of Ireland for independence from Britain; Luxem burg's condemnation of the deatt penalty; Lenin's support for nationa self-determination; Lenin's demand for land to the peasnats; the Communist International's call 'workers and oppressed nations of the world unite' all embody that approach.
Inspiration
It is also easy to see the forces with mass appeal that embody, to different
such a hegemonic approach When a Fidel Castro, Maurice Bishop, a Malcolm X, a Che
Tomas Borge explain the goals of their struggle they do so in a terminology which sometimes seers
Sher spheir retoluien, their revolution their class or their race in terms of "human dignity', or 'national liberty' - not in terms of meeting outputs on steel quotas or purely wage demands
But this is not populism - as the accusations sometimes runs. In a na oppressed by imperialism the working class must literally 'place itself at the head of the nation'. A decisive part of the liberation of humanity is to free rom 2,500 ypas of domination b of the • WOrld white Europe and its offshoots. The tremendous international impact of the women's movement is equally a revolt of the majority of humanity
one which will continue develop long after the working class has taken power.
Unless the working class champions every single one of these strug gles it is not a hegemonic class but, to
La pitiful plaything In Lenin's phrase Working class consciousness cannot be genuine
consciousness unless the workers are trained to respond to al
of tyranny, oppression violence, and abuse, no matter wha class is affected.'
That, and only that, is the basis o! the potential of the working class to become a ruling class - that is io become the real hegemonic class o
(1) Marx and Engels, Collected Works
(MECW), Vol 5, p60.
(2) MECW, Vol 5, p29(
(3) Marx and Engels, Early Works
(MEEW), Penguin edition, p.254.
, p254 p254 Vo uuuu p205 p60 p47 p290.
MECI Vol 4, p36 Vol 4, p37. p254 (13) MEEW, D257. (14) Lenin, Collected Works (CW),
Vol 31. p317 Vol 5, p412.
CW Vol 5, 042: cW Vol 5, p323
Page 10 scan of this page
The AUEW votes
10
are Gerry Russell,
and John Tocher, the candidate of the Broad Left, and a divisional organiser in the Manchester area.
of the Duffy leadership of the union, the election is not just of importance to Tocher's campaign is winning wide support.
view of the chief issues in the election, about recent developments in the union, about the situation in the aftermath of the miners' strike.
Tocher in the election. It does not support all his views expressed here.
IRST you've got to loo
t the role of the AUEV
Thereabouts nine year be
thereabouts TUC, in the Confed, and in the Labour Party. The
HONOOGOT progress. It has stood for
comprothise, apathy.
We've seen the biggest decline in engineering and the biggest engineering union hasn't been heard
from whiffling and whaffling about the need for the return of a Labour government. And that's very given the momentous problems.
On of question youth boys and girls leaving school - wey ve not uttered a word; the leadership's failed to de fend traditional apprenticeships and have instead gone along with "training
standards' On question of new technology, one of the biggest issues where we should be concentrating on the need for a shorter working life and a shorter working year and working week, again not a dicky-
On the question of Jobs, not a fighting approach anywhere not even prepared to defend their members, or assist Lier members as they go into struggle.
On the question of
shopfloor there's even been collusion with the employers on issues such as Derek Robinson's dismissal, which was the Lesals of on e
the establishment on the metile of the AUEW.
And on the question of wages, they • have not tempted to defend our members' living dards. They have not genuinely campaigned for improvement. And one wonders back to 1974 when there was a kerfuffle
regard to the shorter Nons The member con week ana conat tions.
DICKLOUS. it was dissipated by the in-
leadership their negotiations with the
The other important issue is the changes that they've brought about which the constitution have undermined membership's involvement in ine union and so weakened the union's ability to act on behalf of the members.
fact, the whole stance of the union has been wrong. our
Socialist Action 6 September 1985 THIS WEEK, balloting starts for the election of president of the AUEW. The three main contenders current executive council member, Bill Jordan, a divisional organiser in the Midlands and a vice-chairperson of Mainstream,
Given the importance of the AUEW and the record
AUEW members.
JOHN TOCHER gave JON SILBERMAN his
and more generally
Socialist Action is calling for a vote for John
members put forward an
it's diluted. The members
are told 'it's impossible, its
ridiculous; we cạn't
achieve that' they're
making excuses before
they've even presented the
thing to the employers.
And 1 suspect now that
there's a form of informal
discussion taking place
that nobody knows about,
where there's understare whole
dings' reached with the
employers.
With the Conservative
government's approach to
disciplining the trade
unions they have neither
the moral courage not the
desire to fight back They
take the view that if we
compromise, we'll get
through greener
pasture. But once they've
compromised, the Tories
are back again with
another dollop of legislation. So they're obliged to compromise again, and
they will continue to comDUDSC WILl
recognise the structure of the AUEW. The whole concept of the union is in
jeopardy, and will remain
so until there's a radical
change in leadership.
Rules
At the recent rules revision meeting the executive
was permitted to present a
solicitor who explained to
vou need change rules to accomodate the law' And rules were changed Quite frankly, we're committed to oppose that anti-trade
union law and the attemp to keep within it will lead ,to greater problems in the future. Where there's justice, our members will
irrespective of the law
take action. And national officers of this Union don't have the power to outlaw such action.
But executive council in taking the stance that trepidation ore cany of the they have caused the
and OTTERS when they're dealing with
as to whether or not they'll get the official
the SUDDONI They're continually look ing over their shoulders We've reached a stage now where shop stewards can't act in confidence that their union will support them
This also applies to the question of acce int. COVeTHCOL ballots. The stance of the ultra-right on the executive
— and it was 6-4, the vote for the deuculalt
funds that they're
prepared to have a split
with Ine TUC over this
issue. And we know that some elements winn ine
union are meeting in the
Not the Mainstream organisation with the EETPU and the Nottinghamshire scab miners' beakaway "union'. And
know that some of them have had discussions with the SDP. They're tak-
ing a very tough line with the TUC.
This is the amazing they re with these people: they' very tough with other trade unions, they're very tough with their own members. but if thev mee! an angry employer - You can't see them for dust!
mbers will hink
members accept situation where our union
suspended from the TUC. ll s golng to rebound on them, especially in the light of the politica levy ballot. The member'ship did not vote to stary affiliated to the Labour Party to then be suspended from the TUC and so lose the Labour Party affiliation.
There's also a genuine suspicion of members towards state intervention into the internal affairs of the Conser
val ego en mentions
million to fight on behalf of their members against the employer.
They want postal ballots because members will be at their home when they vote - they won't be voting at a branch their workplace; it gives an opportunity the newspapers to push and shove for rightwing candidates.
The stance of the executive on this question
right-wing loaded national
they sured the executive. Bu they didn't go on to the next stage of saying 'right, we're censuring you, anc you shall donate the money that you've already received to the NUM, and you shall not participate in any further acceptance' What national committee Geriner have another ballot and put 'both the membership!
Now what is the other side? There are six men who sit
execuave that voted one way Lue ee use The best of friends: Robert Maxwell and Terry Duffy at Labour Party Conference
executive, almost the entire national committer the TUC and the rest of the labour movement now these are not two equal sides. There's one bloody side that should be put to the membership.
The national committee also decided, against executive council's tion, to affiliate to CND. That was marvellous.
But there again, the vote to affiliate was marred by the subsequent decision to continue with the previous policy of multiateral disarmament. And when the general secretary received letter from
John Tocher, Broad Left candidate for AUEW President
Trade Union CND congratulating him on the decision of the union to af atrocious letter back from male - and he the general secretary, putting forward his own per sonal views. The general secretary should not be do ing this he's the scribe of executive council, he is not unecader
On these and other questions I think that there will be further opposition to the executive becaus they have adopted ridiculous stance and are
general out of touch with the membership. think also that the outcome of the miners' strike will have an effect. Miners
Many of our members don't live in, nor have they
ing communises Yet they still recognise that the miners' struggle was a very principled one, where they
for their JUDS their their communities and their in. dustry. And they were really fighting on behalf of us all. And as more anc more is coming out about the miners, more and more people are beginning realise the correctness the miners the Orgreave trial for instance; the viciousness of the Coal Board, supported
by the government, with regard to the dismissal of
It has been a salutory lesson. Just like after 1926, the employers and the government have been seen to be victimising people.
But one of the big difterences between the arter math of the general strike and today was the miners weren't defeated in that sense, and the movement's not defeated in that sense The action of the teach-
Ton streets people-
shows that people are still prepared to fight They're not cowed Of course, they'll be people looking at things cautious
and knowing that there's a day to be brave ana a day to de prudent. But it's quite clear to me
outcome of the miners strike as a defeat of the working class of this coun
One of the major reas-
Conservative
the miners. I was Wales at the time of the Brecon by-election and detected some of the feeling. It's no good people Sa Ville Lud because Scargill. A before it wasn't considered in the slightest possible to win it. The only reason we came close was because of
In the Unions
the miners and their ledaelsniD
That's going to work its way through. Even peo-
industry pie in the stee
were convinced by Bill Sirs are now beginning lo rcallse Ilal dil tac prac tices they were encouraged to be involved 1r - accepting foreign coal to keep the steel plants running is for nought. On top of the 60 per cent cut in steel
under
MacGregor, they've Ravenscrat another dollop
is at risk.
Their reward not 'you've been faithful servants, and so your jobs are guaranteed'. Their jobs are still in jeopardy.
So the miners' strike has produced major shift. That's reflected
Ron Todd's election. And hopefully, it will reflect in my election - especially in the light of the record of the AUEW executive during the miners' ' strike.
Not once throughout the entire strike did the exNo wire an artile tor the ecutive Scargill Journal present thei
Instead the nuclea case industry was given every prominence with chairmer or managing directors being invited to write in. And the donations made at national leve were disgrace 1 DI miners' strike has really shown ur the lack of leadership in the AUEW.
Change
Our members are com. ing to the view that it's he lor a change. l ink they want to get back to a
with the early 1970s. Because the miners' strike has, and this is the other side, given an example of what real leadership is.
Our members on the other hand have gon through a period wie! they were promised by the Duffys that there's an easy way wages and conditions ou achieving
can see their approach to this by their preparedness
WILl 'nondisruptive' clauses Our membership would have been satisfied with that leadership if they'd received good wages and conditions - but they haven't. Now we must give the members a choice: are they just prepared to accept the portage they ve been of fered, or are they prepared to struggle for something better?
This involvement of ine memoersmp is the ey irrespective the outcome of the election. the event of a change in leadership, there's magic wand. We'd be misleading the ship if we said vote for Tocher, and then you car forget about things, you'll end up with decent wages, there won't be victimisation and SO That change leadership though would facilitate the lavuvented of the membership
That's the key to the success 01 the union. You'll never get anywhere without campaigning and involving the membership.
Page 11 scan of this page
Why the LPYS needs a new leadership
News
In August a special issue of the North West LPYS
editorial statement 'Why the YS needs a new leadership' which we are printing below.
27 Landos Court, Miles Platting, Manchester.
was convulsed by a political earthquake. 1984/1985 miners'
perialist country, it was also a tremendous example of class struggle in every sense. or the NaM ill leadership
showed that class struggle is not simply about defending jobs and wages, it's about the working class forging alliance all the exploited and oppressed in
struggle against ruling class. The Scargill wing of the NUM began to forge such an atlance
This was the key political lesson learnt by thousands of working class militants and youth during the strike. The fight
the labour movement now is between those who base themselves on this lesson and those who turn against it. glimpse of that wilbe the ane
for socialism.
The militants of the NUM learnt they were part o1 an international class struggle and the value of international solidarity.
Imports of cheap South African coal to sustain Thatcher during the strike contrasted with the supSouth African miners and NUM from brought nome the need to overthrow the South African apartheid regime.
Jaruselski's aid of coal for Thatcher contrasted with
NCB
leades: In
bulletin Youth Action was produced. It carried an
Youth Action can be contacted via Maria Walsh,
BETWEEN March 1984 and March 1985 Britain
The strike was not only the longest mass industrial strike in the history of any im-
Solidarnosc's support for the NUM, showing clearly who was the ally of the miners and the working class in Poland.
The alliances forged Detween NUM and women, black people, and lesbians gay men showed how the struggles of oppressed strengthen the whole working class and are part of the fight for socialism. Throw
The strike showed how the working class cannot wage a struggle to overthrow the Cass within the framework of laws created to allow the ruling class to rule. Scargill correctly counterposed workers' democracy to bourgeois democracy his refusal to call a LICt tional ballot. Scargill showed the need to wage militant struggle building mass picketing in defiance of the law and the right-wing leadership of the labour movement. struggle leadership and layer of DIVIsts now tind themselves under ferocious attack irom quarter from the ruling class, from Kinnock and who
Yippe
0. 10 muel miners
this week
COA
fear their potential to transform the labour movement, and from those the left who shrink from the choices involved in real class battles. The main task of the left is the defence of this Scargill Icacersmp. Ideas
The political ideas of literally thousands young people were shaped during the strike. As Scargill said during the strike:
'How many times have
"young people today ane
not like their forefathers. They're too busy making
repayments muriture But now we are sick and tired of the Jeremiahs of the movement saying young people will never fight as well as the older generation that built the movement. I say without fear of contradiction, that if those who built the movement could look on this scene today they would salute our young miners.
The strike created new opportunity to build a mass campaigning LPYS based on these voutn and
su the labour movement
labour movement which, like Scargill, began
overcome cratic attitude towards youth.
The Militant leadership of the LPYS turned its back on this opportunidemonstration in support Not one national of the miners was called At no point did the LPYS leadership openly criticise and distance itself from Kinnock. Militant found itself consistently to the
the racing newspaper sporting Life.
new technology and
Mirror newspapers in July. Own
Maxwell has not got all his own way in the outcome of the settlement. He has failed in his original intention of transfering the production Sporting Life out of Holborn circu to the Oyez press in Bernondsey south London. The NGA ha preserved the principle Inal papers
by national newspaper proprietors should not be moved from Fleet Street.
Maxwell was also forcright of Scargill during the strike, joined in the attack
Scargill and the NUM at the end of the strike and as a result found itself with an annual conference with 64 tewer branches represented than last year.
Peter Heathfield spoke for many activists when Terence: 1 used to buy the NALGO conference:
Militant out of politeness until Ted Grant decided to
leadership of the NUM after the strike. Now the militant is cross ed off our list.' Class
Instead of basing itself on the internationa class struggle the Militant stand for of the LPYS
building Labour Party in Nicaragua against the Sandinistas, for building
Party in Ireland against Sinn Fein, for black and white unity in South Africa against the independent struggle the black working class for Brison and Argentina "socialist federation against recalling the fleet during the Malvinas war
Instead of standing on the reality toman allance for socialism Militant stand for take unity' o the working class which means adapting the strug Militan so on basked ard of the oppressed to ideas.
Militant stands for division of the Council's division OI working class against Scargill's support for black sections and
organised support of black peopl for the
against the self-organisation
NGA makes deal
with Maxwell...
AN AGREEMENT has been reached in the 11-day dispute with Robert Maxwell over the production of
But this is only a temporary let up in the war between the press barons and the Fleet Street unions. Maxwell has made no secret of his intention of breaking the power of the print unions by moving out of central London to the docklands to introduce
slash the workforce. He restated his intention of moving the production of
Led to back down over his threat to produce a large
Mancheste due to NGA and SUNTAI resistance.
SOGAT warned Maxwell that they would pull out workers in Scotland producing the profit making Record if he went aheac with this.
But strings are clearly attached to the deal from the union's point of view which has not yet been ac cepted by the chapels. The Sporting Life is to be sold, most probably to the Racing Posi, the firm that was even in the face of the gains WAPC and Scargill's support for associate membership and tor the demands of WAC in the Labour Party.
Lesbians
The strength the alliance between lesbians and gay men and the NUM is the way forward for the working class not Militant's claim that such struggles are divisive These backward ideas Went responsible LPYS failing to lead youth and build out of every recent wave of youth and working class radicalisation from the Vietnam solidarity Campaign, through YCND, the ANL the women's movement, and now the greatest class struggle in sixty years A leadership which fails this test should not be tolerated to speak in the name of socialist youth.
The choice is simple: the LPYS Collulu! with this leadership which has isolated itself from the CaSS struggle build a new leadership bas on those class struggle militants who have not turned their backs on the miners strike. A leadership which stands for the Scargill leadership of the NUM for British withdrawal from Ireland, for a political dialogue with Sinn rein, for the FSLN in Nicaragua against US imperialism. leadership which supports black self-organisation and struggles like that of Liverpool City and which fights for the liberation of
The alternative course for the LPYS, based on
Socialist Action threatening Maxwell with a rival racing Daily. The 300 staff of the newspaper have been told that thes will be 'absorbed into Mir. ror Group Newspapers' staffs under a policy of no automatic with a promise that a new, free London evening newspaper is to be published next March. Maxwell is out to renegotiate the terms and conditions of CHOVENCIEl Mirror likesy peat 100 jobs Ks likely jobs Sood go in these negotia- Sporting workers
By Valerie Coultas
Since the defeat of the NGA al Warrington the Fleet Street bosses the three M's, Maxwell, Murdoch and Lord Matthews
Stave worked together to smash the power of the
Incy nope mass action, open debate and opposition to all witch hunts began to be built by the LPYS regional
in Scotland the North-West, the West Midlands which emerged during the miners strike. he current around these bulletins firmly identified with the leadership and methods of
Youth Action Ene miners is one such journal, based in the North West
Fringe
This special issue of Youth Action aims to take one step further work
building the left through our miners dayslave labour
HERITAGE Photo Frames employ 39, mostly young, , workers in Broadheath, near Manchester. Take home pay for a full week is f46. Health and safety is non-existent.
On 23 August three workers, Lan Sumner and Margaret and Garry Graham were sgcked. No reason was given, but it
were making an example of the three wh known to be members of the TGWU SUMNER told BILL ALDER:
WAGES and conditions in the factory are a disgrace. One lad lost the tip of his linger on a macame liar wasn't guarded.
Last winter it was sc
6 September 1985 11 the unions in the industry will cut one another's throats in negotiating the
deals for the plants LICW outside central London The EEPTU has already signed no-strike dea with Eddie Shah and SOGAT has made similar offer to Murdoch for his new premises in the East End.
This will leave those who fight to defend jobs and working practices against the new technology deals isolated as we have seen :300 NGA members sacked for doing just that in wolverhamp: ton and Kent.
The power of the prin! unions remains. But it is
battle in the printing. industry that unless a united fight is waged by all the ditterent union together the employers will get their way and tame the unions in print once and for all. school at Bold miner: wellar. Liverpool solidarity with blac caucus. ano co-ordinatior with other regional bulletins, particular through the fringe meeting at this year's LPYS con ference.
Youth Action on ding turden meetn
Saturday September in Manchester to which we invite all interested LPYS branches and bulletins. We hope this meeting will agree to call a national conference
17 UcLobel BE THERE!
Contact: Maria Walsh, 27 Landos Court, Miles Platting, Manchester.
Young workers fight
cold that the toilets and drinks machine froze up. People were carrying stacked sheets of across the factory floo which has loose floor boards and watches of ici from a hole in the roof.
Now we're standing up for our rights. A majority of the workers have signed TGWU forms and are on strike.
We want two things: our jobs back and recogni tion of our union. Already we've had support trom other trade unions, and SUDOIICIS have back at our picket line.
Heritage owns another firm down the road, called Polo Pictures. We're purting ou case to the workers there.
We're standing up for our rights and we'll figh on till we w.
Page 12 scan of this page
The British
connection
ABOUT 40,000 of the black miners on strike in South Africa work for Gold Fields of South Africa. This operates some of the most productive goldmines in the coun try and is part of a British mining investment group, Consolidated Gold Fields.
Gold Fields of South Africa has the reputation of paying the lowest wages in the industry, despite the fact that it can produce gold at $1ll an ounce
gold's current market price is $333 an ounce.
Conditions in Gold Fields mines are notoriously ocTe At the highly profitable Kloof WHIC where gold is produced at sos an ounce, workers complain that no ceilings exist in the rooms
making them unbearably hot in summer
mobilisation of Defender exercise.
Inland 6 months £8; 12 months £15 Overseas (12 months only)
Europe £17; Air Mail £24 (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions) Name.
Address
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ruled by caneriare Ltd.Cus Londonez
ACTION
and cold in winter. Black workers are forced to accept appalling living con- bad food, overcharging by white shops, and continual abuse from white miners.
tributes about half of Con- Gold Fields COLsolidated Gold Fields' profits, and is linked to the * a a on sake in the Anglo-American - which has company.
Consolidated Gold Fields has justified its position in Its negotiations with the South African NUM by claiming that there are only 74 black union members at its plain how 13,000 workers KOOL engaged strike and Februasy rends widespread DOVCOLL I year Some observers believe that Alrican Chamber of Mines has deliberately picked Gold Fields and the other two companies to try and
Come to Greenham
Replace the base and mass trespass
'The Women's Peace Camp at Greenham Common is still there and is celebrating its fourth birthday on 5 September. At the same time, 2-13 September, the Ministry of Defence is planning its largest
non-nuclear forces since
'The brave defenders - women - are gathering at Greenham from Thursday 5 until Sunday 8 September. Women are coming from all over the world and bringing decorated blanckets and ribbons to show their opposition to cruise missiles."
For details of coaches tel 01-608 0244 or 01-388 1628
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defeat at leashe par. defeat the British owned companies are right at the forefront of this dirty game.
September 7/8
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three companies
strikers will lead to action in other mines.
The NUM with over 150,000 members is South tially most powerful black trade union. It is also one of the fastest growing black unions. Its numbers doubled in the past tan have more than years, despite the enor
difficultie: of HOUS organising in the industry
South Africa's 350,000 miners are forced to live in compounds isolated from the rest of the community.
Over 95 per cent are classed as migrants. Within the compounds they are forcibly divided along tribal lines by the companies using a method known as the induna -SYSTER CASSISCIE the indunas are 'tribal representatives' — in reali-
mine police. During periods of unrest the tribal police and
Black miners
South Africa
THE STRIKE by 70,000 black miners which began on Sunday is a potentially explosive deepening of the struggle in South Africa. Although the strike is confined to seven gold mines and collieries owned by
• Gold Fields of South Africa, Gencor and Anglo Vaal - the National Union of Mineworkers has warned that any action against the
become important targets for the workers becaus they are seen as tools of management.
The companies involved in the present strike are among the most repressive muscowies South Africa. Other companies By Pat Hickey in the Chamber of Mines have conceded rises of between 17 and 22 per response to the NUM's 22 cent demand. The three companie which lave held out are ones i which the NUM is more weakly organised.
But even in these three companies the NUM has been growing. In Februar Fields r two of Gol mines East Driefontein and Kloof saw major action by the workers.
AL East Driefontein
the February action by 13,000 miners resulted in 813 dismissals and the arrest Or 19 Suall stewards Violence by police and mine security left well ove 145 people injured, when police opened workers who had sat down at the main gate.
One mine worker described the scene: 'We all sat still. Then they opened fire...live bullets, rubber bullets and tear orkers were running in Chaos broke out. smoke all over. It was like all directions. There a war.'
Despite the dismissals and the arrests the NUM has reorganised itself in the mine.
There is no doubt that the mining companies will attempt to crush the pre sent strike using the police uM's warring that ac The tion against the strikers will lead to solidarity actio may well be put to the test.
The mining companies
brutal repression. In 1982, for ex-
ample, a strike by 70,000 miners left t 10 dead and hundreds injured.
The black miners of South Africa are waging a heroic struggle for the most basic rights - the right to organise, the right to strike, the right to de cent living conditions and working conditions, the fight to end the inhuman
system of apartheid. Th
NUM has no strike func and the poverty wages of black workers mean that they will face severe hard. ship in addition to polic repression. Financial aid and messages of suppor are vital.
The address of the NUM is: PO Box 10928, Johannesburg 2000
• The Anti-Apartheid
Movement has established a special fund, with Peter
Heathfield as one of the trustees, to channel aid to the striking miners.
Send to: Emergency South Africa Miners Strike runa Lloyds Bank, 88 Tot-
Court Rd., Lon. don W1. Account
7092256 sorting code 301882.
← Socialist Action No. 111, 30 August 1985Socialist Action No. 113, 13 September 1985 →