By far the most thorough recent ments to join the NUR' a few years ago, fecting women particularly.' It stated it had no special provisions for black women 'but we do have a Women's Advisory (Committee) nationally and in the London division. Most members of ine kace kelanons Advisory commil tee) in London are ethnic minority women.' The GMBATU had held a regional issued publications, negonators nanadooks, ana nau all or ficer designated to include Race Rela tions matters amongst his other duties.' The ACTT ran schools or seminars on racism. It had established a black sub-committee of its Committee on Equality. The four day shop steward training courses run by the ACTT had a devoted equal opportunities.
The NUT also Tan schools or on racism. It had held a scuillals number of 'racism awareness courses' at the union's training centre with the aim of enabling participants to run their own workshops locally. It had two black members co-opted to serve on its working party on Multi-Ethnic Education. As already noted 42 per cent ot votes at the 1986 NUT conference were cast in favour of black-self organisation in the union, despite the opposition of the executive.
TASS stated it 'operates a Positive Action Programme for appointing officials with ethnic backgrounds, females, to the Divisions regularly give advice on positive action programmes.' No figures on the suc cess. or otherwise achieved were giver however.
ASTMS had established a Race Relations Sub-Committee through its NEC in 1978. This had organised several conferences. It had an active race relations sub-committee in the THE situation revealed by the 1984 GLC study was a disgrace. Nine unions - ACTT, ASTMS, GMBATU, NALGO, NATHE, NUJ NUPE, NUT and TASS - had taken some, but inadequate, measures to fight racism inside and outside the union. These unions had a membership of 3,344,000.
Ten unions — the Bakers Union CPSA, Musicians Union, NGA, NUR NUTGW, TGWU, UCW, and UCATT - were prepared to state what their policies were on racism but had essentially taken no serious organisational or political steps to combat it within their ranks. These unions together had a membership of 2,443,000.
Thirty three unions including such major ones as APEX, ASLEF CSU. Equity, FBU. M IPCS, ISTC, NAS/UWT, NUM, NUS, NCU, SCPS, SOGAT, TSSA, Tobacco Workers Union, and USDAW — did not state/would not state what policy they had, if any, on fighting racism. Between them these unions has a combined membership of 3,833,000.
Affiliated In other words only one third of TUC affiliated unions had taken any steps to implement anti-racist measures, twenty five percent were prepared to state that they had taken no serious anti-racist steps, and forty per cent couldn't even be bothered to state what their policy on racism, if any, was. All this was three years after the TUC had solemnly adopted a Black Workers Charter.
Furthermore the stronger 1984 Congress resolution is still not being implemented rigorously by the General Council after it was adopted. Speaking to the TUC conference on Unions and Black Workers' on 6 July 1985 Norman Willis tried to avoid giv. ing clear support for black self-organisation in the unions and — as in the 1970s - showed that the key motivating fear of the TUC was that ex tremes of racism might lead to breakaway unions. He said of the statement presented to the conference:
"The conference document — like the 1984 Congress resolution — raises a further key issue: that of black members groups. Some unions already have groups of black members who meet to discuss their special problems. They try to act as a caucus - American style — on union policy and activity. It well happen in other unions soon.
'We need to consider very carefully Demonstration against racist murders in 1978 our attitude to such groups. As Ken Gill (chair of the TUC Race Advisory Committee told the handled wrongly, they could be the germ of breakaway black trade unions. Handled right they can contribute to the effectiveness of the union.' Despite the words of the 1984 resolution Willis said: At present we CANC not recommending unions to establish such groups. But equally we are not asking unions to see unofficial black members groups as an automatic threat to the union's constitution. If black members feel that unions do not care about their problems, they will turn to other organisations.
As with the Mansfield Hosiery Mills and Imperial Typewriter disputes in the early 1970s, with the inner city rebellions of 1981 and 1985, it was not a genuine struggle to fight racism in every aspect that has moved the TUC leadership. It has only been an unremitting struggle by black workers that has foreed the trade unions to shift in the fight agamast racism Fighting to support black self-organisation in the unions - without which socialist theory and all experience shows no successful struggle against racism can be conducted must be today right at the top of the list or priorities for socialsts and acuvists in the trade unions. Together with the interlinked establishment of Black Sections in the Labour Party they are the necessary condition to shake the labour movement to its foundations - and smash the virus of racism which gnaws at its very heart.
Organisation There have been advances in that struggle. The election of Lionel Mor rison in the NUJ, the selection of Bill Morris in the TGWU, the black Labour parliamentary candidates who have been selected for the first time in safe Labour seats, are all real gains for black people - and because of that for the entire working class. But the strug. gle is not about a few individuals - individual successes are a means to an The fight is for the liberation of the entire black community and the complete destruction of every aspect of racism. No possibility exists of success in that struggle without black self-organisation throughout the labour movement. Acceptance of that right is the sole basis on which the left, and indeed the entire labour movement, can cooperate with black people.
That fight is at the very core of any alliance for socialism in Britain.
A MADE PUSHED (FLI