study of the position of black workers in the trade unions was that carried out in 1984 by the GLC by the GLC Anti-Racist Trade Union Working Group. As this study was carried out three years after the adoption by the TUC of the Black Workers Charter, and provides the background to the 1984 TUC resolution, it is worth looking at in detail.
The GLC study was comprehensive - gaining official responses from unions representing six million workers out of the ten million trade union members in the TUC. Significantly the two biggest unions which in practice refused to co-operate in the study on racism were the big two right wing craft unions - the EETU and the AUEW.
The EETPU refused outright to give any answers on racism and the AUEW stated it would reply through an interview. But then, in the words of the survey, 'despite lumerous efforts the appropriate of icer could not be contacted (!)
If the EETPU and AUEW were the worst - together with COHSE, the situation was not much better with other unions.
The UCW declared in its reply that: 'We have no anti-racist policy' It stated that no 'trade union referrals' had been made at all concerning racism in the union. The UCW official interviewed however declared that there were many 'coloureds' (sic) who were members of the union, and that the entire situation confirmed his view that there was no problem of racism in the UCW!
The NUR official replying for the union declared that: Most of the questions in the questionaire appear to me to be irrelevant to the situation in this union as all of our members have equal opportunity and there is no discrimination against any member for any reason whateve Have we adopted an antiracist policy? The answer to that question as it is phrased must be "No"
The NUR stated: No particular encouragement is given to members of black and other minority groups to participate actively in the union's activities or to play a leading role in the union.' The NUR however declared it had *issued propoganda inviting foreign nationals employed in the catering departbut had done nothing since. However it claimed, absurdly on the basis of all position within the union.
The CPSA declared completely unbelievably that Racism within the umon nas never been a problem. The NGA stated that: "The need for special measures (to fight racism), ie seminars, etc. has not arisen and no reauest ha: been received.' It declared: 'We do not allow special treatment to any group.' UCATT stated: "There have been no provisions by this union for the form of anti-racist activity referred to in the questionaire.' It also stated: "The Union's policy making body, the Nationa Delegate Conterence has carried resolutions unanimously condemning any racialism and as such would regard this as being positive anti-racist policy but there has been no follow-up on an of the policy, apart from this declaration.' The Bakers Union, when asked to state what provisions it had taken to combat racism, declared 'none'.
The TGWU, putting on a (M)ilitant front, claimed: 'Äll members are equal, therefore no problems. To have it (black coresculallon scoerate medus unar we are fighting the race issue rather than the class issues When asked what special provisions it was taking to combat racism, for example in shop stewards training, the TGWU declared that the responsibility for organising such courses should lie with the TUC and not TGWU. When asked if it made any provision for the special needs of black women the union replied 'nơ'. This is the background to Bill Morriss's appointment as deputy general secretary The Musicians Union took a similar line declaring 'No distinction is drawn between members.' It had no special provision for black women either.
A number of unions had taken certain measures to tackle racism, , which was a step forward, but all were inadequate.
NUPE established a national Race Equality Advisory Committee and had had a Race Relations Advisory Committee in the London division for five vears. On the needs ot black women it said: 'In addition to our Race Working Party we have extremely active Equality Council dealing with issues afLondon division. The NEC had also agreed the setting up of a Race Relations National Advisory Council based on divisional representation and this Council held its first meeting in Januarty 1984. Its members, however, were mainly white. In 1982 the union conference voted to instruct the NEC to intruct the union to operate as an equal opportunities employer. But two years later the union still did not know the ethnic composition of its own employees.
The NUJ had established a Race Relations Working Party. However the union operated internal institutionalised racism. It claimed that 20 per cent of its employees were black. However on found tibe in a low level clerical jas investigation single one with little chance of promotion. The union at its 1986 conterence howeve took a significant step forward when it unanimously voted 'Chapels should be encouraged to give support to black members organising caucuses in line with TUC policy. The union also elected a black vice presi dent, Lionel Morrison.
by black members of any trade union, was looked at in a special article in Socialist Action of 18 April. it was amid black NALGO members that the union proposed the successiu resolution to une 1904 100 Congress which included the position that the TUC will encourage affiliated unions to set up appropriate structures, Black Members Groups to coordinate Equality Committees unions' work on racism.' But despite a major fight in a union such as NALGO the overall situation in the unions remains dreadful. A study in 1977 noted, very understated language, that the minority COlmunities have hardly penetrated the full time staff of the unions at all.' In 1984 the GLC survey found: 'we have yet to discover a union that as in its organisational structure black minority group officers/executives, male and female, that is anywhere near their proportion as members of the union.
The survey also found: 'no union had an officer designated to work entirely with the position circumstance of the union's black and minority members, or to deal with issues affecting the union's position on racism more generally, that is, relating to attairs outside the union.
•We found no equivalent of a race relations officer such as exists in a number of local authorities.
Socialist Action 2 May 1986 already oil reserves would last 50 years at current rates of production In 1973, after Qaddafi threatened to cut off exports to the US because of
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this, that: No member is prevented by reason of race from aspiring to any
NALGO, which has by far the highest experience of self-organisation